This paper clarifies that transport coordination in Osaka City was not only controlled by the economy, but also by urban expansion similar to urban planning by examining the territoriality of urban transportation. The territoriality generally consisted of intraurban and suburban transportations. The contents of this paper can be summarized as follows:
1) The municipal monopoly of urban transport facilities in Osaka City is generally considered to have begun in 1903. The system functioned well as long as the municipal area did not grow. After the second expansion of the municipal area in 1925, many inconsistencies developed.
2) The municipal tramway under the municipal monopoly was profitable by the first half of the 1920s and it played a leading role. Later, however, due to the increasing number of buses and taxis, it declined in profitability.
3) Rapid transit was planned as a part of overall urban planning in the 1920s. One purpose was to integrate intraurban and suburban transportations as a means of controlling urban expansion.Another purpose of urban planning was the construction of transport facilities, not the functional coordination of the various means of transportation. Moreover, plans for rapid transit paid little attention to its relationship to other means of transportations.
4) The most disruptive influence on the municipal monopoly was the opening of the Osaka Bus Company. At first, Osaka Bus was only a supplement to the municipal tramway. However, it drained off numerous passengers because it possessed bus lines in the central part of the municipal area. One purpose of the later opening of a competing municipal bus line was to integrate intraurban and suburban transportations as a temporary substitution for rapid transit that tended to be constructed late. However, that bus line was not authorized to operate within the central municipal area.
5) Essentially, the rise of transport coordination in Osaka City was a de facto amendment of the municipal monopoly on the range and scope of urban transportation to its integration.
6) The new municipal monopoly of urban transport facilities which adapted territoriality of urban transportation was completed by the municipal tramway, bus, and rapid transit, and merger with Osaka Bus in 1938. Wartime regulation was indispensable for its realization, but the result was a reinstatement of the municipal monopoly of urban transport facilities.
It is clear that the essential purpose of transport coordination in Osaka City was to strengthen the municipal monopoly of urban transport facilities, which had been undermined between 1918 and 1939. Although wartime regulation was indispensable for its realization, such a purpose was common to urban planning at the same time. From these conclusions, it is clear that transport coordination in Osaka City was not only controlled by the economy, but also by urban expansion.

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The industrial area in the southern part of inner Tokyo, of which the center is Ota-ku, developed in the second half of the 1960s, playing an important role as the technological core in the regional system of the machinery industry in the Tokyo metropolitan area. It coped with technological innovations such as microelectronics (ME) in the 1980s through its own efforts. Although the numbers of factories and employees have declined due to severe economic conditions since the 1990s, the function of the industrial area as the technological center has advanced. In addition to the first generation who founded their companies just after World War II based on their skillful machining technology, the younger generation has joined as managers or leading engineers. Most of the younger generation are highly educated and have learned ME technology as well as new management methods. Both groups have crystallized and upgraded the technological level of each factory. The renewed and vitalized factories are classified in the following three categories: processors of high-level of technology in response to various demands of machine manufacturers; manufacturers generating high-quality but very small lot products; and manufacturers of plot-type or those specialized in developing or testing for large machine manufacturers. These three types have common characteristics that are indispensable to each other and depend on numerous subcontracting processors in their vicinity. As a result, a strong industrial complex continues in Ota-ku with businesses upgrading their technology through mutual cooperation. Although a huge technological complex of the machinery industry existed in Ota-ku until the 1980s under the control of big manufacturers, this production system has been in the course of radical change since the 1990s. The technological complex with interfirm cooperation and interactive learning processes led by powerful small and medium enterprises is in transition to a horizontal relationship with big manufacturers. Most of the new generation was born and grew up in this area. They make their industrial community a substantial one through the interchange not only of business but also of social life involving the older generation. The industrial community has become a very important factor that sustains the strong technological complex. As a result of strengthening the technological complex, Ota-ku has increased its role as a regional innovation base for upgrading the Japanese machinery industry and as the core of its new regional division of labor system.

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Most of the famous mines were developed on a large scale in the late 16th century and the early 17th century, but began to decline in the late 17th century and were no longer able to meet the domestic demand for mineral resources. Mine development, once rich in mineral deposits, moved to poorer areas that had scarcely been developed previously. Therefore, after the 19th century, mine development began to flourish in several other places in Japan. The Kamioka mine Tochibora district (located at Mt. Nijugo-yama around central Kamioka-cho, Gifu Prefecture) is one of those mines. It was developed and prospered in the late 19th century. This study clarifies the development of the Kamioka mine from the 1830s to 1860s and examines the regional factors involved in its development, focusing on the acquisition of funds and techniques.
In the late 19th century, many small developers mined their own drift or alit independently at Mt. Nijugo-yama. The landscape of this mining district was different from the typical form of Japanese mining districts, including all the mining facilities within the district. Only the minimum facilities for mining (smelters, works for crushing the ore, workers' cabins, the administrative office, etc.) were located in the open space around the entrance of the drifts or adits, and the other facilities (developers' houses, stores, refining works, etc.) were spread throughout the mining district to Funatsu-machi village (the central town around the Kamioka mine) and Takayama (the administrative and economic center of the domain of the Tokugawa Shogunate in the Hida area, currently the northern part of Gifu Prefecture). These characteristics developed through the following process.
In the early 1830s, when the redevelopment of old mines began at Mt. Nijugo-yama, the Kanayama-shi (the mining engineer as well as the operator of a small mine) who came from Echizen (currently Fukui Prefecture) led the exploitation. The funds and equipment for exploitation were provided by merchants in Funatsu-machi village and Takayama. In the late 1830s, when the copper merchants under government patronage who lived in Edo (the metropolis of the Tokugawa Shogunate, present-day Tokyo) began to participate, the exploitation improved greatly. However, they pulled out of the Kamioka mine shortly thereafter. The mining engineer who had been sent from Edo by the copper merchants took over the exploitation of that mine and operated it for about the next 10 years. In the late 1840s, a group of wealthy merchants who lived in Funatsu-machi village began to operate the mine, recruiting engineers and laborers.
In 1855, the official smelter that was organized by the wealthy merchants who lived in Takayama was established next to the government building of the Hida domain at Takayama, and all mineral resources produced in the Hida area were smelted at this facility. After that, the number of shitakasegi-nin (mining subcontractors) increased significantly. They included many small merchants and kanayama-shi who could not secure sufficient funds. However, they were able to receive payment for mineral resources in advance after establishing the smelter, thus procuring operating funds.
It has been thought that the active development of the Kamioka mine in the late Edo era was due to the mining policy of the government of the Hida domain. Actually this development was closely related to the positive participation of the inhabitants around the mine and the characteristics that were developed throughout the history of mine exploitation in the Hokuriku and Tokai areas.
Since the last years of the 16th century, many mines have been exploited and settlements of kanayama-shi appeared in Hida, Mino (currently in Gifu Prefecture), Echizen and Ecchu (Toyama Prefecture), and Echigo (Niigata Prefecture).

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