There has been a global trend to expect higher education systems to assure that the quality of graduates meets current social demands. In Japan, the Ministry of Education (MEXT) suggests that diploma competencies be cultivated across all disciplines under a four year undergraduate program. The U.K. Confederation of British Industry (CBI) similarly expects higher education to enhance the core skills of graduates to assure they have basic employment skills. The OECD is currently conducting a feasibility study on the Assessment of Higher Education Learning Outcomes (AHELO) to measure undergraduate generic skills in addition to those in the economics and science fields. Existing literature regarding generic skills outcomes has focused particularly on trends of overseas assessment systems and the contents of their assessment tools. However, these studies have not adequately discussed the negative impacts inherent to the use of these tools. Therefore, the present study aims to explore the negative aspects of generic skill assessments and bring new insights into Japanese higher education institutions in applying assessment tools. In particular, it focuses on discussions regarding generic skill assessments in Australia and the U.S.

  Consensus as to what is meant by the term “generic skills” has proven elusive; definitions vary across nations, stakeholders, and higher education institutions. Recently, central governments, the labor market and universities have become increasingly involved in efforts to specify in concrete terms those skills which are to be considered “generic”. For the purposes of this study, particular attention is paid to the Graduate Destination Survey (GDS), the Course Experience Questionnaire (CEQ) and the Graduate Skills Assessment (GSA) in Australia, and the Collegiate Learning Assessment (CLA) in the U.S., with the aim of examining positive and negative aspects of these assessment tools.

  The Graduate Destination Survey (GDS) and the Course Experience Questionnaire (CEQ) have been conducted in Australia for all graduates in the year following graduation as a national policy. The data is used for public information in university rankings as well as in determining federal government funding allocation. However, methodologies of these instruments have also received criticism. For example, the CEQ focuses on graduates’ overall perceptions of their entire degree program, but the items are seen as oversimplified, requiring students to make an overall judgment across an entire program with five scales. Moreover, the variation in response rates raises questions about the appropriateness of comparisons among different universities.

  Another assessment tool in Australia, the Graduate Skills Assessment (GSA), was developed as a standardized test with government funding to measure generic skills (i.e., critical thinking, problem solving, interpersonal understandins, and written communication). The GSA is designed to test students at both the entry and exit levels, and could be used to gain insights into “added-value” across institutions. However, the central government’s involvement in universities has received negative reactions from academia which has tended to emphasize autonomy. It has also proven challenging to achieve a consensus among multiple stakeholders (e.g., policy makers, academia, and employers) with regards to what kind of generic skills should to be assessed. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  The United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter, Tanzania) is located in central East Africa, having a per capita GDP of 326 US dollars with a population of 40 million people. Poverty is a serious concern for Tanzania with income levels still among the lowest across sub-Saharan African countries. On the other hand, thanks largely to strong assistance from international communities, Tanzania has been successful in raising primary education enrollment rates in recent years. However, the primary completion rate is still very low and there is a substantial gap between enrollments and completions, which is one of the most highly prioritized policy issues in Tanzania.

  Much previous literature investigates the input and output relationship in schools by using the education-production function approach. Much of the research for developed countries shows that educational expenditures on school inputs are not systematically related to student performance (e.g., Hanushek, 1989). However, it is not yet clear whether or not this insight applies to developing countries. Cross-country evidence presented by Heyneman and Loxley (1982) revealed diverse influences of school inputs on student performance in low- and middle-income countries. Previous literature relies heavily on test scores to proxy the educational output in the education-production function, however the present research uses completion rates instead. Completion rates seem to capture more factors than test scores, such as the increase in school age children, the lack of resources to accommodate these extra children, and a rise in schooling costs paid by families, etc., that may more closely reflect the current situations of developing countries such as Tanzania.

  Using the 1994-2004 Kagera Health and Development Survey, fixed- and random-effects models are estimated controlling for unobserved heterogeneity across schools that is constant over time. According to the result of specification tests, the fixed effects would be the model of choice, implying that unobserved heterogeneity across schools is likely to account for the observed effect. The empirical results of the fixed effects model show the coefficients of blackboards and textbooks on Kiswahili, and textbooks on math; class size and student-teacher ratio are statistically significant at a 5% level with expected sign. The results indicate that school resources have a large impact on improving the completion rate in Tanzania.

  However, also very important for decision-makers of school budgets is not only the extent that certain school inputs can improve completion rates but also how much they cost. Decision makers seek the kinds of school inputs which are most cost-effective to meet the goals of policy objectives. Thus, the cost-effectiveness ratio comparing teacher input (teacher salary) and non-teacher inputs (blackboards and textbooks) are estimated. Results show that the cost-effectiveness indicators of non-teacher inputs are 1.8 to 13.4 higher than those for teacher input. This indicates that school resources are not allocated to maximize educational output, and that teachers and principals who have the power to allocate school budgets vastly overuse teacher resources relative to non-teacher resources. To overcome this problem, the government should work to change the incentives of decision makers who have power to implement school budgets. More specifically, decentralization, community involvement, and school choice would shift resource allocations more according to parents’ rather than teachers’ interests to attract new enrollees under competition with neighboring schools.

  In Malaysia, traditional Islamic institutions called “pondok” have been replaced by modern-type Islamic schools with the gradual acceptance of bureaucratic characteristics. This transformation or modernization is usually described as “development” in a positive sense; however, the so-called indicators of modern schools are patterned from the European model of development. While it is true that Islamic education should have a base that fits its own framework, to what extent has the modernization of Islamic education affected the overall framework of Islamic education? To demonstrate this aspect of transformation vis-à-vis Islamic education, this paper examines how the nature of traditional Islamic education has changed over the course of modernization or bureaucratization.

  The first part describes the general image of pondok as an “ideal arrangement” for Islamic learning immediately prior to modernization. Here we can find the elements of charismatic control and non-bureaucratic characteristics. Pondok are places where learners form a small community to pursue their studies and live under the guidance of a charismatic “Tok Guru”, or great teacher. Pondok became popular in 19^th century Malaya. Tok gurus who had learned deep knowledge in Islamic sciences (usually from Mecca) would find a pondok upon the request of a local community. The learners could be of any age or nationalities, and they could stay as long as they wished. There was no curriculum, examination or class promotion system. Learners of all ages and levels could sit in the same “halaqah” or study circle to listen to Tok guru’s lectures. They read religious books called “kitab” in Jawi, Arabic written Malay, or in Arabic, page by page from cover to cover. The tok guru, assistant teachers, learners and their families stayed in a community under strict rules set by tok guru. The learning in pondok was thought to be meaningful when it caused the learners’ belief and religious practice to strengthen.

  The second part deals with the general modern history of Islamic learning. Pondok is said to have had existed since the 17^th century, but became popular only between the late 19^th century and early 20^th century. On the other hand, it was also in the early 20^th century that Islamic reformism emerged in Egypt, stimulating some students from Malaya to establish modern-type institutions for Islamic education called “madrasah”. In the second and third decade of the 20^th century, the Malay Muslims seemed to favour the madrasahs, whose system was similar to British modern schools, over pondoks. The establishment of madrasah, where the teaching is planned and shared, was the first moment for Islamic learning in Malaysia to attain bureaucratic characteristics. This type of school started to be called “Sekolah Agama Rakyat” (SAR), meaning “people’s religious school”. The SAR started as an independent institution managed by the community. Through time, the religious administration and various national education initiatives of the federal government have expanded calls for further changes. The SAR accepted financial support from states and the federal government, and accordingly they adapted curriculums, examinations and restrictions on age and nationality. Because of financial dependency, SARs had to abide by expectations set by state and federal governments, gradually increasing their bureaucratic character. Almost half of SARs became fully funded by the government and integrated into the national bureaucracy. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  In England, current political measures are aimed at promoting vocational education and dissolving the “academic-vocational divide.” This is because the governing Labour Party is worried about the low levels of education and training in England relative to those of other OECD countries. In this political background, new qualifications have been introduced: the GCSEs in vocational subjects in 2002 and “Diplomas,” which have “vocational” characteristics, in 2008, for people aged 14 to 16. In practice, however, academic (general) education has been prioritized and vocational education has been largely disregarded. In order to address this problem, it is indispensable to elucidate the current situation of the “academic-vocational divide” in England’s education system. In this paper, the author empirically clarifies important elements and obstacles to dissolving the “academic-vocational divide,” based on school research, while studying the situation of the two qualifications, curricula, career guidance, and entire school reform plans.

  For the purposes of this discussion, the concept of an “academic-vocational divide” is defined as follows: (1) a situation in which vocational qualifications are recognized as less important than academic ones, and (2) a situation in which vocational qualifications are not treated as one of the main options for students aged 14 to 16. In addition, this concept can be further examined from the following levels: (a) the political or institutional level, (b) the level of school curricula and career guidance systems, and (c) the level of the choice by students, parents, and employers. Currently, there is an attempt to dissolve the “academic-vocational” divide at the political or institutional level. School research in this paper is therefore focused on the level of school curricula and career guidance.

  Chapter 1 reviews the background of the introduction of the GCSEs in vocational subjects and “Diplomas.” It was found that the common background for the two qualifications includes that their purposes are to improve the status of vocational qualifications, secure the parity between vocational and academic qualifications, and increase the number of qualified people by diversifying career options. It was also observed that the two qualifications have some concrete, common characteristics: (1) not only practical learning but also theoretical learning are emphasized, and (2) qualifications are included in the requirements for admission to university. Next, the positioning of qualifications for people aged 14 to 16 was illustrated with two axes (theoretical-practical; general-vocational/specialized), revealing that the recently-introduced GCSEs in vocational subjects and “Diplomas” are positioned between the two extreme qualifications, the GCSEs in traditional subjects and BETC/NVQ.

  Chapter 2 explains the methodology of the case study, the outline of the research, the research framework, and the characteristics of main cases. As for the methodology of the case study, the method of Yin, R. K. was adopted, and the Grounded Theory approach was used to collect and analyze data. In addition, academic achievement and regional characteristics were considered when collecting and analyzing data and a hypothesis was set from each perspective. The outline of the investigations is as follows: the author traveled to England three times (for a total of 3 weeks) between December, 2008 and March, 2009 to conduct research at 14 state secondary schools in London, Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds, Leicester, Nottingham, Oxford, and East Sussex, while focusing on the key stage 4 (14 to 16 years old). (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  In recent years, globalization and the changing international situation has led to a shift in France’s educational emphasis from nationalistic to democratic. This has been gradually witnessed in the development of civics courses in schools, where respect for basic human rights, democratic principles and global environmental protection are receiving increased attention.

  France has long maintained a form of citizenship that has effectively neglected the identity of minority groups. The French had long ago formed a national identity based on the old French Republic that was formed on non-religious principles. Between the end of the 1960s and the early 1970s, the idea of ‘insertion’ was born from the failure of assimilation policies. By the 1980s, the influx of multiculturalism brought with it a clear recognition of the need to change the way that citizenship is interpreted in France. This philosophy has also changed the idea of integration and led to the birth of French multicultural policies supported by the taxes of employed persons.

  The 1990’s establishment of the High Council on Integration brought official support for the ‘integration’ of citizens. This, compared to the previous two-tiered ‘social space’ (a sort of public and private space), offers not only a social place for people but also political space supported by guiding theory and principles. Citizenship, including the principles of integration and tolerance, will contribute greatly to the realization of a working, civil coexistence in France.

  To advance public policy theory, new education policies were introduced and implemented at the school level in the hope of promoting peaceful coexistence with others. This education includes the instruction of religion, which had been strongly rejected by the law of La?cit?. While continuing the aim of republican citizenship, this incorporated elements of multiculturalism while embarking on a new direction for citizens to enable the coexistence of different cultures. This trend reflects a diverse interpretation of citizenship that integrates civil citizens, and will have a strong impact on school education. Theories of tolerant Republicanism and moderate multiculturalism have gradually evolved from a closed interpretation of citizenship to a new one which espouses coexistence among people of other countries to aim for a new kind of citizenry.

  The theory of tolerant Republicanism allows for cultural diversity within the private space and a dualistic social space. In addition, in the public domain, all citizens are equal under the present definition. This goes beyond equality among ‘universal citizens’; the concept the political entity as individuals to define “civil principle” by the organic every culture to deny claims. Instead of these theories, tolerant Republicanism enables citizens to recognize the others of different cultural backgrounds, through creating a universal space excluding all organic things (i.e., culture or religion). This theory is called “the relative cultural relativism”.

  The goal of moderate-multiculturalism is to recognize the process of cultural group formation by various individuals in the public space that is French republicanism. The attempt brings an approval of difference to avoid a culturally closed, American-style multiculturalism. In addition, it brings social solidarity to the current social breakdown in France by aiming to restore the function of republican integration. To produce a shift in the philosophy of integration is to restore social solidarity among those who are vulnerable to the majority environment. This entails ‘positive discrimination’, which is otherwise known as ‘affirmative action’. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)