The first federal legislation for bilingual education in the United States was the Bilingual Education Act of 1968, which was passed by Congress under Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. The 1968 Bilingual Education Act represented the first national acknowledgment of special educational needs of children of limited English proficiency. This Act was reauthorized in 1974, 1978, 1984, 1988 and 1994.
This paper traces the historical development of language policy of the Bilingual Education Act. Teaching English and teaching the native language for minority language children have been the main theme of this Act. But the estimate and the meaning of teaching these two languages have changed from the 1968 Act to the 1994 Act.
The Bilingual Educatin Act of 1968 provided funds for bilingual education programs, but it didn't specify ‘bilingual’ education.
The 1974 amendments defined a ‘program of bilingual education’. The definition provided that ‘there is instruction given in, and study of, English and, to the extent necessary to allow a child to progress effectively through the educational system, the native language of the children of limited English-speaking ability’. It also authorized ‘the voluntary enrollment to a limited degree’ of English-speaking children in bilingual education programs.
The 1978 amendments clarified the definition of eligible children. The term ‘limited-English-proficient’ supplanted ‘limited-English-speaking’ in recognition of the importance of reading, writing, understanding and cognitive skills in addition to speaking. It also clarified the 1974 provision authorizing the voluntary enrollment ‘to a limited degree’ of English-speaking children by specifying that up to 40 percent of the students could be native-English speakers.
Although federal bilingual education policy had proceeded along with the civil rights enforcement during 1970s, the Reagan Administration quickly moved to change federal education policy and to cut funding for the Bilingual Education Act.
Both the 1984 amendments and the 1988 amendments clarified that the goal of all Bilingual Education Act programs was enabling LEP (limited English proficient) students ‘to achieve competence in the English language-and to meet grade-promotion and graduation standards’. Not only bilingual programs but also monolingual English programs for LEP students were authorized for grants. The three major instructional programs were TBE (transitional bilingual education), DBE (developmental bilingual education) and SAIP(special alternative instructional programs), that is, monolingual English programs.
The 1994 amendments also authorized to fund both bilingual programs and monolingual English programs. The 25 percent allowance for SAIP, defined as those that do ‘not use the student's native language for instructional purposes’, has been retained. In awarding grants, it gave priority to applicants seeking to develop ‘bilingualproficiency both in English and another language for all participating students’. In addition, it is authorized to fund programs designed to conserve endangered Native American languages.
Richard Ruiz, who specializes in the study of language policy, has proposed three ‘basic orientations’ toward language and its role in American society. That is language-as-problem, language-as-right and language-as-resource. Language policy of the Bilingual Educatuin Act can be considerded in the framework of these orientations. Language-as-problem seeks solutions to complications created by diversity. Language-as-right stresses principles of equality, self-determination and entitlement. Language-as-resource regards linguistic skills as a form of human capital to be conserved and developed in pursuit of national goals.

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The purpose of this article is to make clear the sociocultural effect that the Malaysian policies, the goals of which are to create the first developed Islamic country in the world, have on environmental education at the primary level in Malaysia through the analysis of curricula at the primary level of education.
After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the effect of the Islamic restoration movement spread all over the world. Malaysia also has been influenced by the effect, and this has come to the forefront of Malaysian society. In the education area, the “Islamization” effect is becoming more obvious, and the “generalization” of Islamic values has been included through the introduction of the ‘National Philosophy of Education’ established in 1988 which prescribes the foundation of the Malaysian educational concept.
During the same period, the integrated primary level subject, ‘Environment and Man (Alam dan Manusia)’ was divided and restructured into two new subjects: ‘Science (Sains)’ and ‘Local Studies (Kajian Tempatan)’ by the Malaysian Ministry of Education.The goals of this subject matter are to foster basic study skills. This restructuring has also placed emphasis on Islamic values in the new subjects, ‘Science’ and ‘Local Studies’. The comparison of the curricula of ‘Environment and Man’ to ‘Science’, and ‘Local Studies’, demonstrates that the restructuring has placed great emphasis on Islamic values in the context of environmental education.
Firstly, this study compared these subjects' curricula on aims, objects, learning methods, and elements of environmental education two points were found as follows:
1) These subjects use the “inquiry-discovery (inkuiri penemuan)” method. This method had not fulfilled its function in the ‘Environment and Man’ course; the new subject's curricula of ‘Science’ and ‘Local Studies’ have further emphasized the method.
2) The old subject, ‘Environment and Man’, had no emphasis on Islamic values within the context of environmental education; but the new subjects, ‘Science’ and ‘Local Studies’, both place emphasis on these views of nature and on Islamic values.
Point (2) is particularly unique with respect to environmental education in Malaysia. For example, some words of Arabic origin, which are not usually used such as ‘bersyukur/mensyukuri (thank to God)’ or ‘menghormati (respect for God)’ are used in curricula of ‘Science’ and ‘Local Studies’. There are also many examples of relating Islamic values to the environment, such as praising the moon as a symbol of Islam, or the superiority of human beings to all other animals and the correct management of the earth under the permission of the God.
The Islamic point of view introduces the environmental consciousness that says, ‘Under the permission of God, human beings shall manage all natural resources given to them by God, never wasting them, always using them correctly, and accepting them with gratitude’.
Though this concept seems to be similar to the concept of “sustainable development” or “ecology”, the basic concepts are, in fact, different. The former means that human beings shall manage all objects of nature correctly under the permission of God. The latter means human beings decide and control all objects of nature by themselves.
The new curricula of environmental education at primary level of education in Malaysia have introduced Islamic values related to the environment to give pupils an increase awareness and consciousness toward environment. This is one of the definite practices of the “generalization” of Islamic values.

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After the Cultural Revolution, the number of enrollments in regular institutions of higher education have increased rapidly, along with regulation and expansion of higher education in China. Under this condition, educating faculty is becoming one of the most important things. Only a few attempts have been made so far at practical research which focuses on the concrete process of preparing faculty. In recent years, we can carry out practical research in this area, because some universities published books that introduce accademic staff of the university. The purpose of this article is to analyse the training process of faculty in China and to clarify their features, with special focus on the supervision of doctorate candidates in Peking University as a case example.
Supervision of doctorate candidates started in 1981 with establishment of the academic degree system in China. This means that they literally have right to train doctoral course students and confer the doctoral degree. Supervisors are selected on the base of their recognizing achievements in teaching or scientific research.
The author in this research draws upon three books of Yan Yuan Shi Lin (Peking University Press, 1991, 1996, 1998), in which 553 supervisors of doctorate candidates in Peking University are introduced. In these books, introductions of individual supervisors are described in terms of their career achievements. Finally, the sample of the investigation is 520. In the analysis, the author uses three main indicators: (1) institution of higher education from which they graduated, (2) experience of attending graduate education, (3) institution of higher education which they attended graduate education. Between 1949 and 1980, graduate education in China did not go hand in hand with the academic degree system. Many supervisors who completed their undergraduate course in that period did not obtain any academic degree and therefore we cannot analyse their academic degree which they obtained after attending graduate education.
The main results of this study are summarized as follows.
First, 358 of 520 supervisors of doctorate candidates in Peking University graduated from Peking University at the undergraduate level, 37 graduated from Tsinghua University, 11 from Renmin University of China, 10 from Yanjing University, and so on. If we count 19 supervisors who graduated from another institution at the undergraduate level and experienced graduate level education at Peking University, 72.5% of all supervisors of doctorate candidates in Peking University are defined as graduates of Peking University.
Secondly, in concentrating our attention on geographical distribution of institutions of higher education from which doctoral supervisors graduated, 83.7% of them graduated from the institutions of higher education located in Beijing, including Peking University and the three universities mentioned before. This fact may show that, in China, faculty members are generally recruited in the region where institutions of higher education are located.
Thirdly, with respect to their experience in graduate education, 42.3% of the supervisors who studied at graduate level in any institutions of higher education. It can be said that this rate is much higher than that of all full-time teachers in institutions of higher education in China (26.6%), especially if one considers the fact that in the 1950s and 1960s, many graduating students who wanted to be a university teacher did not have to attend graduate school after completing their undergraduate course. In addition, the percentage of supervisors who graduated from Peking University and have experience of graduate level education is lower than that of supervisors who graduated from other institutions of higher education and have experience of graduate education.

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Is multiculturalism “the closing of the American mind” or “the opening of the American mind?” The multicultural debates in higher education have been framed by this formula since the late 1980s, which has brought about a fundamental question regarding what kind of knowledge should be taught in colleges and universities. The cultural wars over legitimate knowledge have emerged out of social and academic changes in recent years. U.S. society has encountered multicultural phenomena that proliferate cultural diversity, accompanied by rapid changes in the ethno/racial demography. At the same time, the development of new scholarship on race, gender and class has seriously challenged the Eurocentric nature of knowledge.
The historical conjuncture has evoked completely opposite reactions from conservatives and progressives to the curriculum of higher education. On the one hand, conservatives have developed enormous anxieties regarding the multicultural tendency that they see as undermining the current values and orders of the society. On the other hand, progressives have welcomed the new trend of multiculturalism, valuing the various voices of minorities that have historically been silenced and unheard.
This paper aims to explore the issues of multiculturalism and curriculum in higher education by analyzing the multicultural debates at Stanford University in the late 1980s. The Stanford case, which was spawned by a multicultural curriculum reform of its general education program, is of great significance. It became the focus of tremendous media attention, which triggered intensive multicultural debates at colleges and universities throughout the country. The issue was whether common academic experiences for students should be based on Western culture or diverse cultures. Some of issues explored in this paper are:
(1) The history of higher education in the United States has always been associated with cultural struggles between monoculturalism and multiculturalism. The historical conjuncture of the Stanford controversy is located at the intersection of two major streams. One is the conservative restoration movement to regain control over social practices in response to the progressive gains since the 1960s and 1970s. The other is a multicultural education movement to further open voices to minorities of U.S. society. The Stanford case, which triggered nationwide media coverage, set the tone for the subsequent multicultural debates between conservatives and progressives throughout institutions of higher education in the United States.
(2) The conservative arguments of multiculturalism are: “America” consists of diverse people so that curriculum of higher education also reflects its diversity to some degree; however, “America” has primarily been developed out of European origins and the Western civilization tradition, so Western culture needs to be the foundation of knowledge in higher education. Nonetheless, they argue that the progressives initiated an anti-Western project to change the Western culture to the CIV (cultures, ideas, values) curriculum requirement by “political intimidation.”
(3) The progressive rearticulations of multiculturalism are: the notion of a timeless “America” is myth; the “political intimidation” that conservatives claim is misrepresentation and distortion of actual events; in reality, “America” consists of people of multicultural origins from all over the world, so that knowledge in higher education also needs to be multicultural; moreover, cultural, economic, political, and academic influences from other cultures in a global age require a relevant multicultural reform of curricula at colleges and universities in the United States.

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This paper tries to portray general features of school education, to discuss itsrole in each society (nation), Syria and Lebanon, throughout educational history.
Syria and Lebanon, two of the Arab countries east of the Mediterranean, were considered almost “twins” until their independence in 1943. After independence from the French Mandate, however, they became two different countries. Syria developed into an increasingly monolithic state based on the Arab identity, while Lebanon emerged as a pluralistic one. These features influenced school education in each nation.
Under the French Mandate, a national system of education was created, modeled strictly after the French. French state examinations were introduced, French schools multipled in number and the French language was made a requirement in the school programs. School education including administration, curriculum and so on, in both Syria and Lebanon, followed the French system.
Education in Syria underwent a process of radical change following independence 1943. The new education law, passed in 1944, determined that no foreign language was to be taught in elementary schools. This meant the abolition of French in elementary schools. In addition, the Franco-Syrian clash of 1945 resulted in the boycotting of French schools by the Syrian population. As a result they were compelled to close. The school organizational structure of 5-4-3 was changed to 6-3-2 the same as in other Arab countries (changed further to 6-3-3 in 1950'). The new school education in Syria thus began by being clearly separated from the French model and by encouraging public schools in a unified school system.
The administration of public education in Syria as in the other Arab countries, was centralized and was controlled by the Ministry of Education. The Ministry provided almost all the money for public schools, educated and appointed the teachers, established curricula, prescribed the textbooks and so on. In the curricula the importance of the Arab nation, identity and the struggle against Israel were emphasized
Lebanon, on the other hand, retained same styles of school education based on the French Mandate even after independence. French and the French examination, “baccalaureat”, made an impact upon schooling. All private schools were allowed to keep the right to select curricula, textbooks and teaching methods etc. under the political system of “confessionalism”. This policy accepted certain rights for these schools including their own religious education and religious law concerning marriage and inheritance for each religious sect. There was no unified curricula or textbooks in Lebanon before the 1990's.
In 1975, the Lebanese government had to change the school education policy as a result of Lebanese Civil War. After the Civil War, the government decided to adopt “A Plan for Educational Reform in Lebanon” which regulated 1) Compulsory education through the elementary stage, 2) Unified textbooks of history and civics, 3) Revision and unification of curricula for both public and private schools, 4) Changes in organizational structure from 5-4-3 to 6-3-3, and 5) Expansion of vocational education. This new educational plan made for a more integrated school education in Lebanon.
In summary, this paper points out that Syria has regarded school education as one of the ways of governmental centralization and integration of people since independence. Lebanon, on the other hand, did not (or could not) use school education as a means of integration because of the policy of “confessionalism”. After the civil war, however, Lebanon tried to change the structure and organization of school education. But this has not been without problems.

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