This paper addresses the status of deixis and anaphoricity in Japanese demonstrative system. It has traditionally been claimed that the Japanese demostrative prefixes
ko, so, and
a all have both deictic and anaphoric usages. I shall argue that the core notion of
ko, and
a are deictic, in the sense that the expressions with these demonstrative prefixes make direct reference to an entity whose existence is recognized by the speaker prior to the discourse session in question, while that of
so is not. I will show that even in cases in which they are treated as anaphoric both
ko and
a are ‘deictic’, in the sense given. In the case of
a-series, the entity referred to is located in the ‘episodic memory’, whereas in the case of
ko-series, the relevant entity is a‘discourse topic’. The contrast between the ‘episodic memory’ and the‘discourse topic’ can be characterized in terms of‘remote’ vs.‘close’, which are the key notions in characterizing the deictic usages of
a and
ko, thereby suggesting that the non-deictic usages of a
-/ko-series are derived from their deictic usages. I further argue that the various usages of the
so-series demonstratives can be best described by assuming that so, unlike
a and
ko, does not refer an object by direct reference. I demonstrate in particular that the
so-series cannot be used to directly refer to an entity whose existence is assumed by the speaker, while it can be used to refer to an entity that is introduced into the discourse by some linguistic expressions. The claim that
so is non-‘deictic’ in nature is further supported by the observation that the
so-series, but not
a-/ko-series, allows a usage that cannot be expressed by‘deixis’, such as the distributive interpretation.
View full abstract