経済学史学会年報

ジェントルマン資本主義論とアダム・スミス

渡辺惠一

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 1-13
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.1

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The history of economic thought should be studied in light of the latest historical studies, since its main purpose as a field of inquiry, generally speaking, is to interpret economic writings in historical context. ‘Gentlemanly Capitalism’ as defined by P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins is the most important paradigm in the historical study of modern Britain in the last thirty years. It describes a British society in which between 1688 and 1850 the landed, in alliance with the moneyed and commercial interests, have dominated the economy and polity. This perspective is rooted in recent interpretations of the industrial revolution which stress that the manufacturing interests did not make a steady or complete rise either to economic or political supremacy.
This paper challenges the traditional view of Adam Smith, the author of the Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and the Wealth of Nations (1776), who predicted that industrial capitalists would become hegemonic in British society in the nineteenth century. This challenge is carried out by rereading the historical dimension of the Wealth of Nations in favour of the ‘Gentlemanly Capitalism’ thesis. Our conclusion is that Smith considered the ‘civilized society’ to be one engaged in agrarian capitalism in which a progressive landed gentry holds economic and political hegemony. In a word, the Wealth of Nations expounded the Political Economy of the landed gentry. Our interpretation of Smith basically supports Cain and Hopkins's view with the exception that it does not include the commercial interests as they do in the list of gentlemanly capitalists.

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「ジェントルマン資本主義」論とJ. A. ホブスン研究

経済学史・思想史研究の視点から

姫野順一

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 14-25
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.14

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As a contribution to the research for the history of economic theory and social thought, this paper clarifies the significance of the “Gentlemanly Capitalism” thesis proposed by P. F. Cain and A. G. Hopkins in the mid-1980's in the field of English history, particularly Social and Economic history.
First, we examine the emergence of this thesis chronologically focusing on its methodology and analyse the unique view of investment that characterises this thesis. Second, following the disputes surrounding its iconoclastic proposition, we summarise its shortcoming in the lack of the consumption perspective in dealing with the class policy. Third, concerning Cain's reseach on the imperialism theory of J. A. Hobson, the significance of the P. F. Clarke's criticism is discussed. In conclusion, “Gentlemanly Capitalism” thesis is judged as a static theory of the investment struture. A dynamic analysis of the social process of policy making is missing.

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モラル・エコノミーとポリティカル・エコノミー

音無通宏

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 26-39
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.26

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Economics today is confronted with great difficulties as it attempts to theoretically treat environmental concerns and many other serious problems. This situation, in my view, has been brought about partly by the way of thinking that confines economics largely to the analysis of the price mechanisms of goods in so far as they find their way into the market. On the contrary, the conception of “moral economy” as formulated by E. P. Thompson recognises that many important facets of the life of people in a society exist outside the market. Through research into historical sources of the food riots in eighteenth century England, he found that there existed a traditional and customary right to subsistence among the labouring poor. These poor repeatedly rioted against increases in corn and bread prices in times of dearth, selling them at prices they set themselves. In light of this history, Thompson severely criticised Adam Smith's theory of free trade in the corn market as victimizing the labouring poor, and hence he criticised Smith's political economy as a whole. However, despite his correctness in emphasising the necessity for remedies to scarcity among the poor, he seems to have misunderstood the character and nature of political economy in general. Political economy from Smith to J. S. Mill and economics even after the 1870s sought to remedy the poverty of the labouring poor as a subject and to reconcile their rights to subsistence with the right of property.

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近代世界システム論と歴史認識の転換

松岡利道

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 40-51
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.40

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I. Wallerstein advanced a theoretical and historical account of the origins and structure of the modern world-system. There are two important points in his theory. First, he criticized the traditional theory of the state. In the modern world-system theory, he holds, the subject of analysis is not the nation-state but inter-state relations. Second, he denied the possibility of national development in the modern world-system. In his view, the constituent institutions in the system such as nation-states cannot develop independently, but rather merely change their economic and political position within the system.
World-systems analysis emerged as a critique of current social science, and while there exist some theoretical contradictions to resolve in this type of analysis, it is concluded that it has raised important questions for current social science to grapple with. In Race, Nation, Class by Wallerstein and Balibar, we find a promising direction in which to develop the modern world-system theory.

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リカードウ新機械論の論理

星野富一

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 52-63
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.52

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This paper focuses on how the theoretical framework of Ricardo's new position on machinery has changed on account of a revolutionary change in his conclusions in the third edition of Principles:. In this edition he proposed, namely, that some portion of the laboring class might lose employment because of the introduction of new machinery.
Professor Takuya Hatori claims that Ricardo has maintained the proposition that the demand for labor depends on the size of a nation's gross product while admittingly only that there will be a diminution in the demand for labor due to the introduction of new machinery.
My view is that Ricardo has attained the following important results: First, Ricardo has refuted ‘the compensation theory’ by assuming a socially representative unit of capital, by precisely setting the theoretical framework for fixed aggregate capital, and by introducing a theory in which circulating capital is replaced with fixed capital; second, he has not only asserted that an introduction of machinery probably diminishes the quantity of gross product and, hence, the demand for labor, but has also tried to prove it.

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ノーマン総裁とケインズ

公定歩合の効果と合理化問題

小峯敦

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 64-76
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.64

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The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the contribution of Montagu Collet Norman (1871-1950) in comparison with that of John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946). Norman, Governor of the Bank of England (1920-1994), was one of the key figures responsible for the monetary and industrial policies in interwar Britain.
There exist two sharply contrasting interpretations of Norman's work. The first interpretation is represented by Pollard [1922], who criticized Norman for implementing “the Designed Deflationary Policy.” The second can be found in Clay [1957] and Sayers [1976], who appreciated Norman's promotion of “Rationalization in Industry.” Of those in the second camp, Tanaka [1976] in particular characterized Norman's actual intention as “the Dis-deflationary Policy, ” i. e., as a policy intended to avoid further deflationary effects derived from the previous high bank rate.
In this paper, I concluded, when reading and reconstructing Norman's and Keynes's letters, memoranda, and other evidence for the Macmillan Committee (1930), that neither of these two understandings of Norman is appropriate. In the present work I introduce a new label for Norman's work: “the Dogma of Independence between Depression and Monetary Policy.”
Finally, upon rethinking the motives and results of the monetary and industrial policies of the 1920s in comparison with Keynes's ideas, I conclude that an understanding of Norman's “innovative contribution” as fairly restricted would be the most appropriate.

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カレツキアンの経済学とカレツキの経済学

資本主義の長期発展理論をめぐって

鍋島直樹

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 77-89
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.77

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At present, many heterodox economists are concerned with the economics of Michal Kalecki. However, their vision of the historical development of capitalist economies is somewhat different from that of Kalecki himself. This paper makes clear the nature of Kalecki's theory of capitalist development by contrasting his theory with that of the Kaleckians', and considers its significance in the present.
While Kalecki viewed capitalist economies as essentially oligopolistic systems, he did not hold that a rise in the degree of monopoly necessarily brought a stagnationist tendency into an economic system. He explained the slowing down in economic growth in the later stages of capitalist development by a semiexogenous factor, namely a decline in the intensity of innovations. Contrastingly, Kaleckians such as Steindl, Baran, Sweezy and Cowling argued that the secular stagnation in capitalist economies is generated endogenously by the concentration and centralization of capital.
At present, in studying the process of capitalist development, we have to adopt the view that capitalism changes through the alternation of long-term growth and long-term crisis. In doing so, we should learn from Kalecki's viewpoint that economic growth depends on past economic, social and technological developments.

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Wakefield on Colonial Government and Patronage

近藤高弘

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 90-102
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.90

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Edward Gibbon Wakefield, known as a British Colonial Imperialist, was a free constitutionalist in the first half of the nineteenth century. In 1844, in order to promote imperial unity and to encourage prosperity both at home and in the colonies, he argued for constitutional reform in the British North American colonies. In the face of the Canadian political crisis, Wakefield argued for greater freedom for the Provincial government to promote own legislation, thereby increasing the autonomy of the colony. He thought that the surrendering patronage to the Canadian Province would be effective as a remedy to the crisis, so that the provincial cabinet was responsible solely to the colonial legislature. Wakefield intended in part to revise the recommendation in the Durham Report, and to make the British colonies an extension of Great Britain so they would attract enfranchised emigrants from the Isles. The paper concludes that despite Wakefield's argument, the Revolutionary Settlement as a reforming model could not be transplanted to the colonies either in theory and practice.

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マルサスにおける重農主義・農業主義・農業保護論

最近の研究から

渡会勝義

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 103-110
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.103

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『資本論』成立史研究の新段階

大村泉

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 111-120
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.111

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最近のスラッファ研究の動向

松本有一

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 121-127
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.121

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Recent Japanese Studies in the Development of Keynes's Thought: An Evaluation

平井俊顕

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 128-137
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.128

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田中正司『アダム・スミスの倫理学-『道徳感情論』と『国富論』』御茶の水書房, 1997年, 2巻 xv+221+3p., xvii+250+4p.

水田洋, 田中正司

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 138-140
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.138

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中宮光隆『シスモンディ経済学研究』三嶺書房, 1997年, ix+245p.

藤田勝次郎

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 141-142
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.141

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中西泰之『人口学と経済学 -トマス・ロバート・マルサス-』日本経済評論社, 1997年, xii+231p.

柳田芳伸, 中西泰之

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 142-144
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.142

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馬渡尚憲『J. S. ミルの経済学』御茶の水書房, 1997年, xvi+499p.

松井名津

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 145-146
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.145

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工藤秀明『原・経済学批判と自然主義 -経済学史と自然認識-』千葉大学経済研究叢書1, 1997年, ix+316p.

山中隆次

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 147-148
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.147

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清水敦『貨幣と経済 -貨幣理論の形成と展開-』昭和堂, 1997年, x+243p.

水田健

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 148-149
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.148

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西岡幹雄『マーシャル研究』晃洋書房, 1997年, xi+316p.

藤井賢治, 西岡幹雄

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 150-152
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.150

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岡田元浩『巨視的経済理論の軌跡-リカードウ, マルサスから「ケインズ革命」まで』名古屋大学出版会, 1997年, iv+276p.

河野良太, 岡田元浩

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 152-154
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.152

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中矢俊博『ケンブリッジ経済学研究 -マルサス・ケインズ・スラッファ-』同文舘, 1997年, ix+260p.

松本有一, 中矢俊博

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 155-157
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.155

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吉田雅明『ケインズ-歴史的時間から複雑系へ』日本経済評論社 1997年, 200p.

黒木龍三, 吉田雅明

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 158-160
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.158

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田中真晴編著『自由主義経済思想の比較研究』名古屋大学出版会1997年, iii+337+9p,

永井義雄, 田中真晴

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 160-162
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.160

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野地洋行編著『近代思想のアンビバレンス』御茶の水書房, 1997年, xi+362p.

安藤隆穗, 野地洋行

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 162-165
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.162

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馬渡尚憲『経済学史』有斐閣, 1997年, x+418p.

和田重司

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 165-166
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.165

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竹永進編訳『ルービンと批判者たち -原典資料20年代ソ連の価値論論争-』情況出版, 1997年, 250p.

正木八郎

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 166-167
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.166

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Stewart J. Brown ed., William Robertson and the Expansion of Empire, Cambridge University Press, 1997, 276p.

田中秀夫

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 168-169
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.168

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R. R. Palmer, J. -B. Say. An Economist in Troubled Times Princeton University Press, 1997. v+167p.

喜多見洋

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 170-171
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.170

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Birger P. Priddat (Hrsg.), Wert, Meinung, Bedeutung: Die Tradition der subjektiven Wertlehre in der deutschen Nationalökonomie vor Menger, Metropolis-Verlag, 1997, 324p.

原田哲史

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 171-172
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.171

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Anthony M. Endres, Neoclassical Microeconomic Theory: The Founding Austrian Version, Routledge, 1997, xiii+271p.

塘茂樹

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 172-173
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.172

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Mike Hawkins, Social Darwinism in European and American thought, 1860-1945: Nature as model and nature as threat Cambridge University Press, 1997, x+344p.

西岡幹雄

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 174-175
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.174

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Harald Hagemann (Hrsg.), Zur deutschsprachigen Wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Emigration nach 1933, Metropolis-Verlag, 1997, 608p.

中山智香子

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 175-176
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.175

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Wayne Parsons, Keynes and the Quest for a Moral Science: A Study of Economics and Alchemy, Edward Elgar, 1997, xvii+212p.

山崎好裕

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 177-178
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.177

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Stephen F. Frowen (ed), Hayek: Economist and Social Philosopher: A Critical Retrospect, Macmillan, 1977, xxxvi+324p.

中村秀一

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 178-180
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.178

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A. W. Coats ed., The Post-1945 Internationalization of Economics Duke University Press, 1996, xi+425p.

西沢保

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 181-182
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.181

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Jeffrey T. Young, Economics as a Moral Science: The Political Economy of Adam Smith, Edward Elgar, 1997, x+225p.

八幡清文

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 182-183
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.182

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Deidre N. McCloskey, The Vice of Economists: The Virtue of the Bourgeoisie Amsterdam University Press, 1996, 135p.

有江大介

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 183-185
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.183

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L. S. Moss (ed.), Joseph A Schumpeter, Historian of Economics -Perspectives on the History of Economic Thought-, Routledge, 1996, xi+324p.

松浦保

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 185-187
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.185

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Samuel Hollander, The Economics of Thomas Robert Malthus, University of Toronto Press, 1997, xviii+1, 053p.

渡会勝義

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 187-189
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.187

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Roger E. Backhouse, Truth and Progress in Economic Knowledge Edward Elgar, 1997, xi+232p.

深貝保則

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 189-191
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.189

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Pierre Dockès, La société n'est pas un pique-nigue-Léon Walras et l'économie sociale-, Economica, 1996, 308p.

中久保邦夫

1998 年 36 巻 36 号 p. 191-192
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2010/08/05

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11498/jshet1963.36.191

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