This paper clarifies the process by which Gakkoen (school gardens) were established by the 1905 "Notice Regarding School Gardens" (Gakkoenshisetsutsucho) Promulgated by the Offices of General Education and Vocational Education of the Ministry of Education. While gakkoen were established by the "Gakkoenshisetsutsucho," reference books written by Harizuka Chotaro and Tanahashi Gentaro, as well as an abridged translation of an encyclopedia edited by Wilhelm Rein, popularized the idea. Gakkoen were unique among conventional facilities in that they were not only for educational purposes, such as instruction by observation, but also for discipline education through labor and for arousing interest in agricultural education. In order to demonstrate the existence of facilities similar to Gakkoen prior to 1905, this paper examines guidelines and magazines about school management by looking at terminology, institutions, and content. This study reveals that before 1905, terms such as "Gakkoen" were used to introduce foreign of similar programs. Regarding institutions, there were no plans for the establishment of Gakkoen. As for content, there were not only "Teien" (gardens), and "Shokubutsuen" (botanical gardens) for observation, but also "Jitsugyoen" (experiential gardens) established for the promotion of agricultural education. This paper also examines books by Harizuka Chotaro of the Vocational Education Office, Tanahashi Gentaro of Tokyo Higher Normal School, etc., to confirm a transition in early history, terminology, and content of pre-1905 programs and Gakkoen. Gakkoen are clearly different from conventional facilities such as Teien, Shokubutsuen, Jitsujoen, etc. Gakkoen were established with new educational concepts and purposes, such as instruction by observation in general education, discipline education through work, and the arousal of interest in agricultural education.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze characteristics of the translated version of sexual education books published between 1910-1940. This paper clarifies the commonalities and differences of these publications with contemporary Japanese sexual education theories. At that time, there were many books on sexual education published in Japan. Japanese sexual education theories developed under the influence of European and American culture. A comparison of translated works and Japanese theories clarifies certain characteristics of Japanese sexual education theories. This approach will provide a better understanding of the essence of problems underlying current sexual education in Japan, a significant point of this study. Three characteristics of Japanese sexual education theories are delineated in chapter one: (1) Japanese sexual education began as sexual desire education; (2) the reason for the publication of so many books arose from a sense of impending crisis in the context of sexuality; (3) in spite of an increase in sexual education discussion, the educational field took an extremely negative attitude toward sexual education. Chapter two details U.K. and American attitudes toward sexual education as background to the translations of English works on the subject. In addition, the translated versions of sexual education theories are arranged in order of author's standpoint. Chapter three analyzes the contents of the translations from the following two perspectives. First, how the translations view the necessity and purpose of sexual education. Second, how human beings, sex differences, and gender roles became the premise of these sexual education theories. The first characteristic of the translations is that they strongly emphasize "the bad influence of the negative image of sex," and that an important purpose of sexual education was to wipe out this negative image. Accordingly, scientific knowledge of nature and sexual facts were regarded as important. There were even examples of how masturbation and homosexuality were addressed in a positive context Furthermore, some influence of First-Wave Feminism can be discerned, while conservative gender biases, such as "a man is active and a woman is passive" in sexual behavior, is strongly represented in the translations. Finally, differences between Japanese and translated versions of sexual education theories are analyzed. The three following differences are made clear. (1) In the translations, the most important purpose of sexual education is to promote an affirmative understanding of sex. In contrast, Japanese sexual education theories lacked such purpose. (2) In the translations, sexual morality means "positive sexual behavior and a sense of values." In the Japanese context, however, it means "abstinence." (3) The viewpoint of gender equality, readily found in the translations, is weak in the Japanese theories. These issues have direct bearing on today's problems in Japanese sexual education.

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This thesis traces the development of 1930s home education promotion policy and presents an analysis of the correlation between school education and home education. In December 1930, the Ministry of Education issued the 18th directive on "Matters Relating to the Promotion of Home Education." This directive established an administrative policy designed to improve the level of home education in relation to that of school education, where heretofore issues such as the prevention and resolution of children's mental problems were addressed through school education. In other words, this directive was an attempt to resolve an impasse in Japan's modern school education that arose through the Ministry of Education's overemphasis of school education to the exclusion of all else since the establishment of the educational system. In addition, the directive contained Ministry of Education criticism of the "trend toward entrusting school education" and also raised questions regarding the neglect of the role of home education and the consignment of everything to school education. On top of that, the directive also suggested the need to improve home education and position it as an important educational domain like that of school education. However, this directive was not consistently promoted. Despite the emphasis on home education, by the 1940s the role of home education changed, taking on a complementary and reinforcing role to school education's role of "rensei," or "training." Therefore, it can be assumed that the mid 1930s was the only time when the objective of the home education promotion directive was widely promoted through policy. In addition, previous research implies that prior to policy implementation, home education was merely positioned as "education" that complemented and reinforced school education designed to promote the stability and popularity of the modern school education system. In view of this background, the 1930 home education promotion directive can be regarded as having drastically altered the relative relationship of home education versus school education. In light of these issues, on the whole, 1930s home education promotion policy did not consistently adhere to the aims of the home education promotion directive. In the second half of the 1930s, the direction of "education reforms" became more prominent, enhancing home education. In spite of this, it is clear that home education was regulated to the point of subjugation, by school education, the primary training ground for imperial Japanese subjects.

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This paper will identify the expected role of schools in Karafuto, a minor colony located on the border of Imperial Japan, during the Pacific War, by exploring the content of history education and its dissemination activities at Karafuto Normal School. One early resource on education in Karafuto is Karafuto Chihou [Karafuto Region] (1957, Hokkaido School Board), included in Hokkaido Kyouikushi [History of Hokkaido Education] edited by the Hokkaido Education Research Institute. This book is primarily a broad outline of Karafuto history education with little detailed information on curriculum and, due to the book's attempt to understand education in Karafuto as "an extension of Hokkaido," Karafuto's original character is obscure. More recent studies of Karafuto's history are oriented to investigate its original character as a colony, as well as shared characteristics with Hokkaido. It would be extremely useful to explore the orientation of Karafuto's prefectural and educational leaders-particularly during the latter half of the 1930s when Japan was about to plunge into the Pacific War-and what kind of identity those educational leaders attempted to cultivate in the citizenry. Advancing these research interests, this paper focuses on changes in the perception of history in Karafuto during the era, and reasons for this change. This paper specifically traces the achievements of Sadayoshi Nishizuru, who became interested in Karafuto's history, moved there after acquiring a teaching certificate, and eventually became a teacher at Karafuto Normal School. This study investigates how his work and study was reflected in history education offered at the school. Shortly after Nishizuru began his research into Karafuto's history, there emerged an urgent demand for a written history of Karafuto with a "patriotic" emphasis. As an educator in charge of training prospective teachers in Karafuto schools, Nishizuru felt a strong "sense of duty" and engaged in writing a "patriotic" history of Karafuto to show the "historical facts" based on his unique interpretation that "Karafuto has been Japan's territory since ancient times," a claim that received criticism even then. His primary publications, including Karafuto no Shiori [Guidebook of Karafuto], received great acclaim in Karafuto. Underlying this push for a patriotic local history was an increasing number of islanders leaving due to wartime hardships, as well as the Karafuto government's increased concern regarding Soviet incursions. Given the situation, the teaching of Karafuto's history, as presented by Nishizuru, came to emphasize the legitimacy of Japan's possession of the island and added to the original idea of promoting "patriotic spirit toward the island." As a school that was expected to teach these ideas, Karafuto Normal School pursued "its originally assigned duty to serve the Japanese empire" in order to help promote settlement and unification of the people, to which the Karafuto government was committed. In response to this expectation, Nishizuru continued writing "history" inspired by his convictions. The fundamental issues here are "history description" and "education" that were under pressure from the political situation of the time. These concerns are not merely regional issues that occurred in Karafuto, but they also raise universal questions that can be applied to situations at other times and locations.

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For the most part, student self-government in dormitory life was accepted within the prewar high school system. Student dormitory self-government originated with the introduction of a boarding school system at First High School, Student dormitory self-government at First High School became the model for other high schools. Due to student labor mobilization and governmental policy during World War II, student dormitory self-government became difficult to maintain. However, after Japan's defeat, dormitory self-government was revived by the students in every high school. At First High School in 1946, self-government was restored by the students. Despite food and material shortages, boarding schools resumed operation. At the same time, a movement to reform extant regulations and student self-government organization appeared, Leading to opposition between "traditionalist" and "reformist" students. The traditionalists wanted to preserve student self-government through adaptation to the current situation. In addition, they wanted to pass on the tradition to the students of the newly established liberal arts college of Tokyo University. Opposed to this were the reformists (most belonged to leftist student organizations) who sought to expand student dormitory self-government-not only to govern dormitory life, but also to encompass school administration as well as larger social movements. The the reformists pushed through the following three reforms: first, the incorporation of the principles of individual freedom and sociality; second, the inclusion of students not living in dormitories; and third, student self-government participation in school administration and student movements outside the school. After the end of the boarding school system, the First High School Self-government Association was formed by a cell of the Communist Party. In the end, the efforts of the traditionalist students resulted in Tokyo University's new system inheriting First High School's legacy of student dormitory self-government.

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This paper considers the structure of personnel transfers in Imperial Japan through an analysis of teacher transfers. By focusing on secondary school teachers on the Imperial Japanese occupied territory of Qindao, this paper reveals the formation of a "teacher's network" that coalesced around the hiring and transfer of teachers In addition, this paper examines employment patterns from the viewpoint "circulation" of a teacher's network that occurred between Imperial Japan's "home" and "outer" (occupied) territories, during the civil administration period from October 1917 until December 1922. This paper makes the following conclusions: (1) The majority of Qindao secondary school teachers graduated from Hiroshima Advanced Teacher Training School. The army acknowledged its involvement in teaching personnel affairs of Qindao Higher Girls' School. Unlike other secondary schools in Qindao, however, the ratio of graduates from Hiroshima Advanced Teacher Training School was lower because most instructors were female. Despite a shortage of documents recording actual military involvement, it is still possible to determine that most teachers were graduates from Hiroshima Advanced Teacher Training School. Also, most of the teachers who were transferred to the "outer" territories, and who eventually became the school principals, were graduates from Hiroshima Advanced Teacher Training School. (2) By focusing analysis on the graduates of the Hiroshima Advanced Teaching Training School, it is possible to determine the route of "circulation" for teachers transferring from "home" to "outer" territories. Two transfer patterns for graduates teaching in the Qindao Higher Girls' School become apparent, namely those transferring between "outer" territories such as Korea and Karafuto, and those who returned back to the "home" territories. Particularly when the latter pattern is examined, a detailed image of teacher "circulation" can be constructed easily. Second, three transfer patterns appear when analyzing graduates teaching in QIndao secondary schools, namely those who were transferred from "home" territories, those who were transferred among the "outer" territories, and those who remained with the same schools. (3) The use of diaries written by teachers at QIndao secondary schools reveal thespecific process of involvement of the Graduates' Association.

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In order to examine the relationship between state education and national education in the British Empire, this paper provides an overview of Thomas Babington Macaulay's opinions on public education in the 1840s. Early in the nineteenth century, public opinion in England rejected state education. Public education at that time meant national education run by voluntary associations. During the April 1847 parliamentary debates on annual expenditure for the government's plan on education, Lord John Russell, asserting that his plan was not for state education, lent support to national education, as well as the exclu-sion of Roman Catholics from public education. But, Macaulay, insisted that "it is the right and duty of the State to provide for the education of the common people." What is the meaning, then, of such contradictory explanations regarding the same education plan? Since the 1830's, Macaulay insisted that public education must be the secular provided by the government. In his parliamentary speeches from 1839 to 1846, Macaulay repeatedly insisted on the necessity of public education, while avoiding the mention of state education. This was because he thought that it was inseparably tied to religious education under the jurisdiction of the established church, thus contradicting with Whiggish secularistic ideas. Macaulay regarded Lord John Russell's speech as a rejection of Whig ideals because he argued for the exclusion of Roman Catholics from the public education. Macaulay's April 19, 1847, speech on education is constructed of two parts. In the first part, he explained his principles of public education. He said "that is the clear duty of a government to protect the lives and property of the community, and that the gross ignorance of the multitude produces danger to the lives and property of the community," therefore, "to provide the education for the people is the duty of the state." Macaulay was opposed to apply to the application of free market principles to education. In the second part, he called for support of a government plan for national education, because it was necessary for the people. However, he did not explain the relationship of this plan to state education. Macaulay also failed to illustrate the reason why his plan left education in the hands of voluntary associations. This blatant contradiction in Lord John Russell's and Macaulay's explanations vexed other members of the House of Commons, throwing the debate in confusion. Some proposed to adopt government-run secular education. Others proposed to adapt the Irish system of mixed education to English public education. Members of Parliament could agree that it was the duty of the state to provide education for the people and that it was necessary to include Roman Catholics; convincing Lord John Russell to follow suit. In Macaulay's opinions, state education and national education were not in competition but were complementary. Both represented certain aspects of society. However, state education also implied intervention from the Established Church, something that he could not support. In his Speeches he substituted "public" or "government" for "state". He was still convinced that "it is the duty of State to educate the people."

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Following the birth of Hitler's Nazi regime in 1933, "German Academy for Women's Social and Educational Work" (Die Deutsche Akademie fur soziale und padagogische Frauenarbeit)-an educational and research institution for women- was closed. The founder of the "Academy" was Alice Salomon, who is today considered a pioneer of German social work as an academic discipline. Despite her reputation, Salomon has not been a subject of much study in the history of education. The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical significance of the "German Academy for Women's Social and Educational Work", in order to understand Alice Salomon's efforts in social welfare education for women. Alice Salomon founded the Academy in 1925 after serving as principal of the "Social Women's School in Berlin" (Soziale Frauenschule Berlin). The time when women pursued their rights through social work and educational action had passed. The "Academy" was established at a time when social workers were recognized as salaried official positions, and when the number of women attending university had increased. However, the need for social workers after World War I differed from that in the beginning of the twentieth century, when the "Social Women's School in Berlin" was first established. After the war, the quality of the school deteriorated, students' socioeconomic backgrounds changed along with their motivation. It was necessary for the social welfare education of women to advance beyond a basic level in order to provide specialized training for women in social welfare. In the new social work scenario, Alice Salomon brought about a transformation through her "Academy", moving from social service based upon theory and practice to highly specialized training for leaders of social welfare education. In other words, the "Academy" was the next step in strengthening social welfare education. Although she sought to establish a high degree of specialization in social welfare education, Salomon's efforts were only for women, and she rejected university level social welfare education. In the end, this restricted the development of social workers and social welfare education.

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