I advance a new analysis to provide a principled account for the distribution of non-root
wh-questions in Middle English (ME), Belfast English (BE), (and Present-day English (PE)).
Specifically, I attempt to produce a more uniform generalization that
wh-questions, whether root or non-root, universally select an interrogative affix Q in C, i. e. a head-feature of Q. This enables us to achieve consistency between root and non-root
wh-questions with regard to the selection of the head-feature of Q.
To preserve this generalization, I propose that, in ME, the head-feature of Q is valued and deleted in two ways: either by an overt complementizer corresponding to
that or by a zero complementizer ZC, which is phonologically null. I also argue that similar remarks hold for BE (and PE) as well.
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