The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association
Online ISSN : 1884-3921
Print ISSN : 0549-4192
ISSN-L : 0549-4192
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Volume 61, Issue 2
Displaying 1-17 of 17 articles from this issue
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  • Diversifying Gender Implication in the American Political Process
    Chieko KITAGAWA OTSURU
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_11-2_29
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_11
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      Since the elections of the “Year of Women” in 1992, American political process has observed a numerical increase of female congressional members. Such numerical increase was accompanied by their rising seniority, which in turn led some of them to take leadership positions. The birth of the first female House Speaker was a symbolic development, which took place within the existing political structure.
      The role of female congressional members in the political process may invite disagreements. If we believe in the substantive representation in the Congress, gender of the members does not in itself decide whose interests are represented. However, due to the lack of committed agents, women's issues had remained underrepresented in the agenda-setting process until an increasing number of female, and mostly liberal Democratic congressional members, helped push the bills through the political process.
      As women gained certain voices in the political process, the myth of monolithic womanhood also came to be questioned. Women's political movement, previously dominated by liberal voices, is diversifying to include cultural/religious conservatives as well as secular conservatives. We can expect that such diversifying gender implication advances the study of American political process to a new stage.
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  • British female Members of Parliament and the theory of representation:
    The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002
    Masami UMEKAWA
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_30-2_47
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_30
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      Of 650 MPs elected in 2010, 142 were women, the highest number ever. Of the three main parties, Labour, with 31%, has the highest proportion of women MPs; the Conservatives have 16% and Liberal Democrats 12%. Labour used all-women short lists to select candidates for parliamentary elections. This is why Labour has the highest rate of women.
      The employment tribunal found the all-women short lists to breach the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (the Jepson case) in 1996. The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 amended the Act 1975 to allow political parties to use all-women short lists.
      I examine, in this paper, the discussions in the process of legislating the Act 2002. There are two groups of the members of parliament. The first group supports the Bill depending on their micro cosmos theory, but the second group rejects the Bill because they think it discriminates against men. I argue that, even if we refuse the micro cosmos theory, positive actions are needed in order to improve the social status of women.
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  • Voluntary Party Quota Regulations for Women's Political Representation in Germany: In the Case of the Social Democratic Party (SPD)
    Tsuyoshi NAKATANI
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_48-2_67
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_48
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      In the Federal Republic of Germany, voluntary party quota regulations for women (Frauenquote) were adopted in the 1980s and 1990s first by the Green Party, followed later by other political parties. This article focuses on the case of the SPD and investigates why and how the SPD introduced the party quota.
      Changes in German society, the second wave of feminism and the new social movements led the SPD to start preparations to adopt Frauenquote. From the middle of the 1980s, the SPD was drafting a new party platform focusing on gender equality and developing campaign strategies targeting women's votes.
      The Working Community of Social Democratic Women (ASF) was a central driving force in developing this policy, supported by the party leaders (Brandt and Vogel). Confronted by the strong opposition at local level, the SPD eventually succeeded in adopting the Frauenquote (40% of the party list) in a party statute in 1988.
      Today, these quota requirements are not achieved completely, particularly for lower level elections and for the percentage of female constituency candidates. Despite these problems, Frauenquote has led to better representation of women in German politics.
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  • Women's Representation in French Politics:
    The Limitations of the Gender Parity System
    Yoshiko KUNI
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_68-2_85
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_68
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      Notorious for the underrepresentation of women in politics, France passed a gender parity law in 2000 that required all parties to assure the equal access of men and women to electoral mandates and positions. However, this legislation produced unimpressive results in the elections that followed. Although ten years have passed since its enforcement, women are still poorly represented in French politics. Thus, the aim of this paper is to clarify the barriers that have kept women out of French political life, through the examination of the limitations of the gender parity system.
      The analysis of elections over the past 10 years reveals that the implementation of this law has varied across elections and parties. France has a variety of electoral systems depending on the election in question, and as a consequence, parity is applied in a range of different ways. It can be also observed that some parties are more likely than others to implement the parity law. Even the large mainstream parties both on the Left and on the Right have preferred to pay fines rather than nominate equal numbers of male and female candidates. Those riddles posed by gender parity system in France indicate that there is still work to be done if France is to achieve a parity democracy.
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  • State Feminism in Italy: Development and Limitations
    Keiju SUZUKI
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_86-2_105
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_86
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      In Italy there is a paradox of democracy that promotes formal gender equality but in practice ‘discriminates’ against women, especially in the spheres of economy and politics. The purpose of this paper is to survey the development of women's policy agencies in Italy and to discuss the background of this paradox. After an overview of institutions, relying on RNGS' comparative studies, I examine twelve policy debates (on job training, abortion, prostitution and political representation).
      It became clear that legislative and institutional system has been improved since mid-1990s, and EC/EU membership played key role for the development of gender equality policies. But the dependence on the European Union of policies and strategies makes it difficult to feed a steadfast commitment of the state to principle and objectives for equality, which has bred the paradox.
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  • The Development of Gender Policy Regime in Swedish Welfare State
    Kanako IMASATO
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_106-2_126
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_106
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      This article aims at clarifying major characteristics of Swedish gender policies and the way they have been developed. Sweden is known as one of the most advanced women-friendly as well as gender equal society where women can work both in and out their family. These advancements in terms of social and economic status of Swedish women have been brought by their positive participation in labor market propped by the active social and labor market policies by the idea of worker- citizen. Some, however, point out that there are conspicuous sex segregation in the workplace, violence to women, sexual harassment etc., and that these issues have not been satisfactorily coped with by responsible policymakers.
      This article explains that the gender policies in Sweden are products of corporative interaction of State Feminism and women's movements taken place under the Corporate State structure.
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  • Gender and Representation: Political Representation of Women in the Gekkan Jiyu Minshu and the Official Gazettes for Elections
    Yuki TSUJI
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_127-2_150
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_127
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      This paper examines representation of women in contemporary Japan drawing on the feminist post-modernists' understanding of representation as processes of construction of subjects. Since the 1990s, female political actors have received attention in various ways in the context of rising concerns about declining birthrates and an aging population, and the promotion of and the backlash against gender equality policies.
      Based on the analyses of articles in the Gekkan Jiyu Minshu, the monthly magazine published by the Liberal Democratic Party, and official gazettes of female candidates for the Lower House elections from the mid-1990s to 2006, this paper shows (1) the ways in which female politicians have emphasized the importance of women's points of view in transforming the political system, and (2) the shift of ‘the represented,’ i.e., referenced subjects in election gazettes of female candidates, from ‘women’ to ‘children’ in a decade since the late 1990s.
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  • Why Women Representatives in Local Assemblies are Far Too Few in Japan? : the Case of Yamagata Prefecture
    Yuko KANEKO
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_151-2_173
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_151
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      The percentage of women representatives m local assemblies in Japan is 10.9% at the end of 2009. Moreover, in Yamagata Prefecture, the percentage is 6.2%, the ninth lowest among all prefectures. In this article, effective strategies to increase women representatives are presented based on the analyses of the interviews at the major political party local branches and the surveys of women members.
      The model of the recruitment process of Pippa Norris is utilized as an analytical framework. Based on the analyses of interviews and surveys, the following strategies are effective to increase women representatives in local assembly.
      Changing the people's attitudes toward women and politics, especially women themselves are to be liberated from traditional thinking of politics being men's responsibilities./Women are to aggressively participate in community activities and to play central roles in solving community problems./Women are to recognize politics as tools for improving daily lives and to get involved in politics.
      The Japanese major political parties are indifferent to increasing women candidates in local assembly elections. And women members of the local assemblies do not expect the parties to promote women's representation. Women representatives are to gradually increase but not to increase rapidly under such circumstances.
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  • Globalization and Trafficking
    ―Conditions and Strategy in the European Union and Japan
    Kumiko HABA
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_174-2_193
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_174
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      In the 21st century, there is a remarkable growth in the people's movement, especially in women service workers' movement; namely, sometimes trafficked illegal sex workers, through forced, violent, and fraud means. These are the most persecuted people (young girls and children) among the winners and losers under Globalization, and they are always restocked for the people's enjoyment from poor countries' women and children. By the liberalization of the borders movement for Globalization and the end of the Cold War, almost 190 million people are immigrants in the world in 2005, and half of them are women (49.6%) under the service sector. Many of women's immigrants engage the service work, like waitress, cleaning woman, domestic worker and nanny. Around one third or half of them are illegal immigrants.
      So called Human Trafficking, as the illegal people's trade by the world criminal organization, forced and deceived young girls to sex work. At the early of the 21st century, 4 million people are trafficked every year, and 500 thousand young girls only in Europe were sacrificed in Europe each year. It completely neglects the Human Rights or Human Security and Human dignities.
      Japan is one of the highest destination countries of the Trafficking in Asia, but for a long time Japanese government did not try to solve these trafficking situation. United Nations and US State Department warned the reformation of the situation.
      In this article the author would like to investigate the structural causes of Trafficking in the world and compare the trafficking situation as well as policies between the EU and Japan.
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  • From the League of Nations Health Organization to WHO 1943-1946: the succession and development of international functional cooperation
    Kayo YASUDA
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_194-2_211
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_194
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      This article analyzes the process through which WHO was established on the basis of the experience of the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO). The article particularly focuses on the LNHO technocrats. Through their prewar experiences, technocrats realized that international health governance could promote international cooperation, while it could be utilized by various national representatives as one of their diplomatic strategies. Technocrats tried to alleviate this vulnerability by balancing big powers with smaller powers, national representatives with specialists, and centralization with decentralization. Their efforts and the development of international security in which economic and social cooperation were evaluated as a means towards international security resulted in the international health governance's autonomous establishment under the UN system, which can be termed as the origin of “human security.” The development of social cooperation in the postwar period can be considered to be an extension of their efforts in the League of Nations.
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  • The Essence of Machiavellism ― preliminary considerations in understanding the modern character of Machiavelli' s political science
    Akira MURATA
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_212-2_232
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_212
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      Today, Machiavellism is generally regarded as a specific rule of political action stemming from the necessity and autonomy of politics. In other words, the problem of Machiavellism is raised as one related to the tragic antinomy between politics and ethics. However, such an interpretation has its roots in 19th-century German Historicism. Here, it should be noted that the term Machiavellism itself was generated and spread in the mid-16th century. The word has its genesis in the old interpretation of Machiavelli's political science, which accused Machiavelli of being a teacher of evil. The purpose of this paper is to rediscover the essence of Machiavellism in terms of its original meaning. First, the fundamental character of the present-day interpretation of Machiavellism must be articulated by analyzing German Historicism. Then, intentionally avoiding ideas that are related to German Historicism, the original meaning of Machiavellism must be grasped by analyzing the interpretation of Machiavelli's political science as raised by his first readers in the 16th century.
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  • The Political Economy of Local Fiscal Deficit: Comparison of Five Countries, Japan, United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and France.
    Noriaki WATARI
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_233-2_254
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_233
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      The puzzle of this article is why the amount of local fiscal deficits are larger in Japan, Germany and France before privatization (1975-1986) those that in United States, United Kingdom, and France after privatization (1987-2000). The Answer of this article is that the combination of two factors, (1) bond issuance control discipline and (2) market discipline, determine the amount of local fiscal deficits. This is the <bond issuance control discipline + market discipline> hypothesis. First, the bond issuance control discipline means the discipline by central government control for the sum of local government bond. The strength of this bond issuance control discipline is determined by who controls the sum of local government bond in the central government; no government actor, the ministry of internal affairs, or the ministry of finance controls the total amount of local government bond. Second, the market discipline means the discipline by market pressure on local government bond. The strength of market discipline is determined by whether the majority of assumption of local government bond is public funds or private funds. This article demonstrates this hypothesis by quantitative analysis.
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  • The Formation of an Antagonistic Conservative-Progressive Axis and Nonpartisan Movement in Postwar Okinawa: Focusing on the Problem of twin education Bills
    Makoto SAKURAZAWA
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_255-2_277
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_255
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      Precedence research considers consistently that the Council for the Reversion of Okinawa Prefecture to the Fatherland (CROPF) is leftist forces. But, in fact, early CROPF avoided confrontation with the Okinawa conservative forces, and performed nonpartisan movement. Okinawa Teachers Association (OTA) which was the center of CROPF also held cooperative relations with an education office and the Okinawa conservative forces. OTA was not opposed to twin education bills itself, and required the improvement about the regulation side. Since the school staff's election campaign activated around 1965, the Conservative Party feared change of power. The Conservative Party tried to legislate the bills for restricting a teacher's political activity forcibly. CROPF was extensively opposed to the Okinawa conservative forces, and the bills turned into a rejected bill. Thereby, an Antagonistic Conservative-Progressive Axis centering on the security and the base problem in Okinawa was established, and nonpartisan movement disappeared.
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  • Machiavelli and Italy: The Strategy towards the “Liberation of Italy”
    Hiroki KAKOO
    2010 Volume 61 Issue 2 Pages 2_278-2_299
    Published: 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_278
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      In the last chapter of Il Principe, Machiavelli proposes the “exhortation to liberate Italy from the barbarian.” There have been many students that consider him as the prophet of the modern nation state. However, this interpretation is based on anachronism.
      The purpose of this article is to articulate the concrete strategy towards the “liberation of Italy.” Machiavelli's theory at the time of the completion of Il Principe was that while the Medici states would govern themselves separately, they would form a union under the leadership of the Medici Pope, and thus would be able to resist the transalpine Great Powers.
      This article distinguishes the three states or dominions. The first is the city state of Florence. The second is the Papal state. The inauguration of the new Pope allowed many people to predict the acquisition of the “new principalities” in the Papal dominion. Machiavelli thought that these will occur in the areas of Romagna or Lombardy. Hence, if we think of the states as a block, it would be the third base of power in his strategy. We should read the “exhortation” as a policy of the cooperation of the Medici states.
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