The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association
Online ISSN : 1884-3921
Print ISSN : 0549-4192
ISSN-L : 0549-4192
Volume 63, Issue 2
Displaying 1-22 of 22 articles from this issue
  • Takuya INOUE
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_19-2_41
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Types of consumer groups can be classified as customer consumer groups or citizen consumer groups. The former pursues the consumers' economic interests and rights, and generally has a mass - based membership, whereas the latter pursues the social and political interests of the public and stresses consumers' social responsibility. Major consumer groups in most advanced countries were formed as customer consumer groups based on the model of the U.S. Consumers Union in the 1950s and 60s. By contrast, in Japan, major groups were rather organized as a hybrid of both types without a mass - based membership, and have slowly moved between them. This seems to be the main character of the contemporary Japanese consumer group system. The purpose of this article is to analyze how this system was established in the 1960s and why it has been maintained. The article points out three historical conditions that affected the way the CU model was imported to Japan. It also explains how non material selective incentives have employed in maintaining the above mentioned consumer groups in the system.
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  • Hiroki MORI
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_42-2_64
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.
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  • Shinsuke HAMAMOTO
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_65-2_87
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has scored a historic victory in the 2009 election. It brings an end to more than 50 years of almost unbroken rule by the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This would constitute the first time that power has shifted between the two largest parties in postwar Japan. This change has influenced the bureaucracy and interest groups.
      In this paper, we investigate the change in interest group behavior based on the competitiveness of the party system. Our data after dominance is largely drawn from Japan, where we have an excellent opportunity to find out how interest groups reacted to first the prospects. We also utilize the data from Germany and Korea for comparison to the one party dominance system in Japan. An analysis based on a nationwide survey offers a key to understanding the interest groups' configuration in the two - party system and allows us to estimate the effect of the power shift on the interest groups themselves. It is likely that the power shift will result not in the DPJ's dominance, but rather in a situation where the interest groups will tend to be in contact with both parties and withdraw from the electoral process.
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  • Kazunori KAWAMURA
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_88-2_109
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The Great East Japan Earthquake, which occurred on March 11, 2011, caused serious damage in eastern Japan, and the coast of Tohoku was devastated by the massive tsunamis.
      In May, 2011, Yoshihiro Murai, Governor of Miyagi Prefecture, proposed the introduction of the Special Zones for Disaster Recovery Fisheries (Suisangyo Fukko Tokku) in The Reconstruction Design Council in response to the Great East Japan Earthquake. His design for the purpose of accelerating restoration of the fisheryhad the review fishery right, so JF Miyagi (Fisheries Cooperative) required withdrawal of it.
      For LDP, JF is still one of the important organizations to gather votes. Nevertheless, Murai and most of LDP councilors rejected their withdrawal demand. Why could they resist the JF's pressure? The reason they were able to do so is because they understand that JF Miyagi doesn't have a counterproposal to attract victims of tsunamis. In addition, under the influence of the organization merger before the earthquake disaster, JF Miyagi is not a monolith.
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  • Takao AKIYOSHI
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_110-2_133
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This chapter analyzes the change of political strategy of interest groups in the process of deregulation. Since 1980s, in Japan, the problem of government regulation has been argued and deregulation has been done in several industries by government committees under the direct control of Prime Minister. This deregulation has affected the political environment of interest groups. First, according to the change of the style of regulation, the relationship between interest groups and regulatory agencies has changed. Second, the arena of regulatory policymaking has transferred from regulatory agencies to government committee. And we found that these changes have increased the importance of discourse for interest groups, and they have changed their political strategy.
      To examine these changes, we analyze the process of deregulation and reregulation in taxi industry from the viewpoints of discourse. First, in the process of deregulation, the discourse to claim the merit of competition had the power to persuade the public, and also formed the discursive coalition to promote the reform. Second, in the process of reregulation, the discourse to claim the negative effect of deregulation, especially on the decline of salary of taxi drivers, had changed the problem recognition of public on deregulation, and also could form the another discursive coalition from several actors.
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  • Ryunoshin KAMIKAWA
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_134-2_155
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    It is generally thought that large companies have a more powerful influence on policy making than citizens’ groups in contemporary Japan. In 2006, however, it was decided that the maximum interest rate should be lowered, which the groups aiding victims of consumer lending asked for but which the consumer loan companies strongly opposed. How did ‘weak’ citizens’ groups win against ‘strong’ large firms? Through analyzing this case, this article examines the political influence of large corporations and citizens’ groups.
      This article is organized as follows. To begin with, it traces the history of regulations on the maximum interest rate. Next, it depicts the political process of abolishing the ‘gray-zone’ interest rates in 2006. Finally, it examines the resources of the consumer loan companies and the success factors of the groups aiding victims of consumer lending by comparing this case with the case of ‘defective cars problem’ analyzed by Hideo Otake.
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  • Kentaro OKU
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_156-2_180
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    How do politicians achieve the profit of interest groups? This research is a case study analyzing the political process during which the Medical Diet Members (representatives who spoke for the interest of doctors) have succeeded in emasculating the law that provided the separation of medical practice and drug dispensation. The three viewpoints of the analysis are the following:
      First, how did Kato Ryogoro (Liberal Party), who was the mediator of the Medical Diet Members, bring the Liberal party measures closer to the JMA? Secondly, what kinds of pressures or adjustments were observed between the JMA and the Medical Diet Members during the process of the emasculation of the law? Thirdly, how did the Medical Diet Members managed to form a majority including non - partisans in order to emasculate the law?
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  • Hidehiro YAMAMOTO
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_181-2_201
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Interest groups combine various lobbying tactics. While some tactics may be used on one level, other tactics may be used additionally to enhance their claimson another higher level. In this paper, I attempt to clarify such a hierarchical structure of lobbying tactics. My findings are based on Japan Interest Group Study II data.
      First, for sector groups and policy beneficiary groups close to the LDP government, lobbying tactics in terms of their targets in sequence are: 1) ministries and agencies; 2) the mass media; 3) the LDP or public assemblies. For value promotion groups, the sequence of lobbying is: 1) public assemblies; 2) the DPJ or mass media; 3) the mass media or DPJ; 4) ministries and agencies.
      Second, interest groups tend to upgrade the level of lobbying when conflicts between interest groups exist or elite actors are accessible.
      Third, the interest groups that lobby at the higher level tend to influence policy - making. But the sector groups and policy beneficiary groups that lobby the mass media in addition to ministries and agencies tend to have as much influence. The value promotion groups that use all the tactics including lobbying ministries and agencies also tend to influence policy - making.
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  • Haruya SAKAMOTO
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_202-2_223
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In recent years, we witnessed the proliferation of new citizen groups that are called “NPOs” and the gradual transformation toward a cooperative relationships between the public sector and NPOs in Japan. Local governments are increasingly forming partnerships and collaboration with NPOs to achieve the effective local governance.
      However, in the micro - level perspective, there are differences in the level of collaboration. Some local governments willingly engage in various types of collaboration with NPOs, while others still have no connection with them.
      What determines these micro - level differences? What factors affect the level of collaboration? Much of the existing studies have not examined this points sufficiently.
      In this article, the author emphasizes the importance of three factors―institutionalization, networks, and political opportunity structure―and offers the systematic empirical test with the municipal data of JIGS2 survey. The results of statistical analysis show that these factors explicitly drive the formation of collaboration between NPOs and local governments.
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  • Transformation of the Korean civil Society
    Yutaka ONISHI
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_224-2_246
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    South Korea is an appropriate case for comparison to study the politics of Japan. Therefore, with regard to civil society and interest groups, some important researches have been made comparing two countries. It has been pointed out that there was a contrasting character of civil society in Japan and Korea. Whereas civil society in Japan has an interest in the implemental process, Korea's one has been working for advocacy. We have found the grassroots - organized character of Japan compared with the elitist Korea.
      However, we might not continue such a contrast in the future. Korea's civil society has undergone a rapid transformation. K-JIGS2 which is a survey conducted in 2008 about the underlying structure of the organization Korea vividly captures the changes in Korea. Rather, comparison of Japan and Korea should highlight the difference between Japan which is immobilized and Korea to change in line with international trends.
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  • From the Perspectives of Radical Democratic Theories
    Kei YAMAMOTO
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_267-2_287
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in “two strand theory” in the concept of modern democracy.
      Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of “radical democracy” to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify “the democratic utilities of populism.”
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  • Akai OHI
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_288-2_308
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The early 20th century was marked by the advent of both communism and fascism, and their challenges against the traditional western civilization. This paper examines the historical dynamism shown by those political struggles in the early 20th through the works of Laski. In the 1920s, Laski considered both communism and fascism as the negation of the legacies of western civilization. However, the political turmoil in the 1930s had led Laski to distinguish Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, and he thought Soviet communism as a “new civilization” which had been overcoming capitalist societies. But Laski's appreciation of Soviet communism was different from other British socialists in that Laski evaluated social welfare in Soviet Union as long as it served as the basis for individual freedom. This paper concludes that those Laski's ideas contain an actual potentiality in making contemporary criticism to liberal democracy after the collapse of Soviet communism.
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  • On the Basis of Freedom of Speech in Kant' s Doctrine of Right
    Masataka OKI
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_309-2_330
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The significance of Kant's conception of freedom of speech in the history of political thought can hardly be overestimated. Given the intensive contemporary debates concerning the potentiality of this conception, it is more important than ever to properly conceive its original scope as well as its dynamism in relation to his political thought as a whole. This paper attempts to return freedom of speech as an inalienable human right to its birthplace in his systematic doctrine of right. By resituating this right in its proper place, we are able to see that freedom of speech is essential to our experience of political freedom for Kant, not merely in the negative sense but in the positive sense: It is the expressive gesture of the general will in ourselves.
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  • Kenji UEHARA
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_331-2_352
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Contemporary political philosophers have explored issues related to global justice, such as global inequality and absolute poverty. In particular, they have mainly concerned with the ‘scope’ of distributive justice. Whereas Statism have stressed that the scope is limited within domestic realms, Cosmopolitanism have claimed that it is applicable at the global scale.
      By rejecting accounts from both camps, this paper explores the possibility of distribution among the nations as international distributive justice. As cosmopolitans have aptly criticized, statists have overlooked that institutional relations which are presumed to trigger distributive justice are not limited to those within states. Cosmopolitan, however, have also failed to provide us with grounds by which they have denied the role of state as one of crucial institutional relations. If we understand institutional relations as a precondition for distributive justice, it is necessary to seek international distributive justice which compatibles with domestic distributive justice. Also, because of the interdependency between domestic and international distributive justice, latter is as important as former.
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  • Nao SAITO
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_353-2_374
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the sphere and critical implications of Arrow's general possibility theorem with regard to liberal democracy, with reference to the latest studies of social choice theory.
      The construction and thesis of this paper is as follow. First, we introduce Arrow's theorem and argue that this theorem can be interpreted to prove the impossibility of democratic collective choice. Second, after reviewing past research in political science and social choice theory, we conclude that Arrow's theorem has little in the way of critical implications with regard to the realizability of liberal democracy. Third, we clarify that Arrow's theorem can be interpreted to prove not only the impossibility of collective choice, but also the impossibility of moral rules which are the base of the society. Finally, we conclude that Arrow's theorem has some critical implications with regard to the sustainability of liberal democratic society.
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  • Quantitative Analysis on the Subsidy Reform in the Japan National Governors' Association in 2004
    Akira KAJIWARA
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_375-2_397
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In 2004, local governments were faced with so - called “the Trinity Reform” of local finance, which included local government budget cut. In this reform, prefectural governors were forced to decide whether or not they agree to the reform or what subsidies they abandoned. Through looking at this reform, this paper analyses the decision - making mechanism of governors on local government finance. Quantitative analysis finds that governors' policy choice was influenced by political conditions that they faced such as support from a prefectural assembly, their number of terms in office, their former job before taking office, and their memberships in unofficial policy study groups of “the Reforming Governors” instead of the fiscal or socio - economic conditions of prefectures.
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  • Why were bureaucratic procedures formalized by General Laws?
    Tsuyoshi YOSHIMUTA
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_398-2_420
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article aims to make clear why the LDP, in 1990s, enacted several bills which disciplined administrative operations. The LDP and bureaucrats had not thought it necessary to legalize administrative affairs until 1980s, but they enacted the bills regarding administrative procedures, freedom of information, ethics of public officials and etc. in 1990s.
      In this article I examined the political process of establishing the bill of freedom of information. I found that both the LDP and bureaucrats prepared to submit the bill to thrive in the 1990s' political situation. First, the LDP took it seriously to keep its power with cooperation of the New Party Sakigake and the Social Democratic Party of Japan which advocated the disclosure of government activities. Second, the disclosure of government documents was reframed as public interest not as bureaucratic procedures. This result means that the 1990s' real politics brought about non - NPM administrative reforms in Japan.
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  • Shiro KOMATSU
    2012 Volume 63 Issue 2 Pages 2_421-2_443
    Published: 2012
    Released on J-STAGE: February 24, 2016
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper examines three cases of humanitarian intervention (Bosnia, Kosovo, and Libya) to show that intervening parties face challenges concerning the effectiveness of it. The analytical framework for this inquiry consists of ‘the relationship between the use of force and diplomatic negotiations’. The specific challenges are as follows: there are difficulties in defining the proper use of force in relation to diplomatic negotiations for a resolution of political conflict within a intervened state, and those are due to the uncertainty of communication between policymakers and the military within intervening parties; a gap between the use of force and diplomatic negotiations causes the uncertainty; and the gap has at least two variations, ‘the gap between means and end’ and ‘the gap between different ends’. The latter type of gap is especially noticeable since it reflects the trend of the time, the rise of legitimacy of humanitarian intervention.
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