The purpose of this article is to investigate the audience of mass media historically. Recent historical studies have focused on the quantitative development of mass media. They treated people merely as audience. For mass media study, this may be natural and necessary, but their viewpoints were insufficient to clarify the roles of mass media in daily life. For the people called "audience", existence as media audience was only one aspect of their daily life. The necessary method is to treat people in their daily life as a whole. This article examines the daily life of the people who lived in the Sumiyoshi-Apartment house, Fukagawa, Tokyo in the 1930's. This apart-ment house was built by Dohjunkai to accomodate urban lower-class people.It was designed according to the newest ideas of architecture, so it has been called a symbol of modernism in the 1930's. Analyzing many aspects of its inahbitants' daily life and mentality, it has evidently been found that their way of life did not change so much. It contrasts with the kaleidoscopic change in the amusement quarters of Tokyo. The inhabitants, having poor income, could afford to read the newspapers, but could not enjoy many other entertainments. These people, whose educational standards were not high, had poor knowledge about public affairs in the 1930's when Japan spread the war in China. When directly facing social problems they formed their peculiar attitudes, which were not so clearly-structured as the intellectuals' attitudes, but which were deeply rooted in daily life. The government was more troubled by their attitude than by that of the intellectuals, who were "converted" and participated in the militaristic policy. However, they could not extend their logic to public affairs, so gradually many of them departed from their daily-life mentality and finally conformed themselves to the national policy.

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The comeback of the concept of the "powerful mass media" in The 1970's has not been based on an extensive criticism of the "limited effect model". The logic of the active audience implied in the latter effect model hat not been defeated or denied by this new wave. At the same time, the logic of audience passivity in the former concept cannot be retained fully if we examine why we should take "contingency conditions" into consideration. Views of powerfully effective mass media should be reconcilable with the active audience concept. In order to discuss this possibility of reconcilability, the author introduces the viewpoint of "information behavior". This viewpoint argues that, while we should investigate the characteristics of media information, and examine the process in which this is generated, we should also emphasize the audience's active information-processing. In this paper, the author especially examines from this standpoint the logic of audience motivation on the cognitive-psychological level, for the logic of motivation has occupied a key position in the "limited effect theories" and "use and gratification studies", but this position has not been based on any clear and general logic. Regarding the auditor as an active information-processor implies that he is constantly motivated to predict the future and the outcomes of alternatives in advance depending on his mental simulation ability. And in order to do that, in other words, to make this "expectancy" successfully, he actively selects and interprets information from his outer world. The second basic characteristic of human activities is that any activity, whether it is actual behavior or mental simulation, is more or less centrolled by three standards, i.e. causal appropriateness, needs suitability, and executability. Based on the arguments above, the hypothesis of selective exposure to information was examined. The auditor is not just one who seeks only cognitively consistent information, but also is an active information seeker who is motivated by firm belief, even if he is urged to expose himself to dissonant information. Our hypothesis is that this firm belief is formed by the three selection standards mentioned above, that is, selective exposure to and selective reliance on any information is performed in accordance with these standards. We have much supportive evidence already. We should also recognize that there exists "non-active" selectivity stemming from objective availability of media information or from non-intentional information-processing proclivities of the audience. Next, we have examined the logic of "use and gratification studies" from the same viewpoint, after proposing a new typology of information needs. Gratification behavior to satisfy any information need is controlled by expectancies generated by contents provided by the media. But ironically enough, this very active behavior to gratify promotes media or program dependence. This is a paradox in which audience active behayior leads to media or program dependency, and which is consistent with the contention of "powerful mass media" concept.

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The audience "interprets" messages from mass media. Would this fact be inconsistent with an emphasis on the strong impact of mass media ? Phenomenological sociology and ethnomethodology been analyzing conversations in "every day", face-to-face interactions. This article is an attempt to apply this face-to-face, interactive communication model to the analysis of communication between mass meida and the audience. The audience does not "passively" receive the massage from mass media as expressed, but "actively" makes out the meaning by interpreting it. In these interpretative-practices, however, the audience is strongly influenced by mass media. In this article, we take up the complaint of the women's movement against a TV commercial as an example. Hearing a news report on the complaint against the commercial, some of the audience took exception to the act of complaning and expressed various opinions about it. These opinions reval the audience's interpretative-practices clearly. The audience imaginatively categorized the complanants according to certain personality types and expessed a sense that the complaint was not relevant to the audience. Acoording to this analysis, we can build up a model for the interpretative -practice on TV commercials of the audience. The audience, (1) interprets cemmercial messages in terms of the primary interest in an advertisement for the goods. (2) distinguishs "serious" messages from "joking" ones, and restrains the interpretation which confuses the difference between them. (3) makes up for "tacit" messages, which are not directly expressed in the commercial messages, by interpreting them. As analyzed above, it is obvious that the audience is actively engaged in interpretative-practices of making sense out of both TV commercials and news reports. The interpretative-practice, however, should not deny the great influence of mass media. The audience is under the strong influence of the "tacit messages" of mass media in terms of interpretative-practices.

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The purpose of this article is to review 'audience' theories of the critical schools in mass communication research. They have criticized the orthodox conception of the 'audience' held by empirical schools which regard the audience as a passive and negative 'receiver' of mass media messages. They have urged a paradigm change from the passive audience to the active and positive decoder-reader conception in their theoretical endeavor. The critical schools intend to overcome the passive audience paradigm by introducing the semiological terms, "encode-code-decode" to mass communication theory. Their epistemological viewpoint has been generated by the articulation of two theoretical streams: (1) Althusserian structualistic Marxism, characterized by its break with economic reductionism, rediscovery of ideology as a relatively autonomous instance, and definition of media as "ideological state apparatus", (2) Saussurian linguistics, which has revolutionarily changed the perspective of languages and subjects, and his successor - Lacanian psychoanalysis and Barthes text theory. Altusser maintains that social formations can not survive without ideologically. reproducing the product forces = labors Mass media contribute to this process through representation of the status quo as self evident. And its messages create`subjects' by their interpellation mechanism. Although 'subjects' behave as if they are autonomous existence, they are, in fact, created by mass media. Roland Barthes argues that literary critique must pay attention to 'the reading' and 'the reader' which is the place where the plural meanings are generated. According to Cultural Studies, the media contribute to reproduce the dominant ideology through "signification". The media make people recognize that they are certainly members of some social formation by its naturalization mechanism. Stuart Hall defines this mass media's textual strategy of naturalization as the preferred meaning and or the preferred reading. This preferred meaning is not always read as it is. Hall points out that the restoration of the alternative meaning is possible if media texts are decoded in terms of the antidominant code. David Morley interviewed the audience of "Nationwide", a TV program in the U. K. ,in order to confirm this oppositional reading process. Although his research was an ambitious attempt, Screen schools criticized it for neglecting the power of text which makes people 'subjects'.

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There are two main models of interrelationships between social movements, mass media and audience. They have been coined the 'neutral channel' model and the 'hegemony apparatus' model. The proponents of the 'neutral channel' model, to some extent, share a pluralistic view of society. They regard mass media as neutral communication channels between social movements and the audience, or the 'public'. On the other hand, the 'hegemony apparatus' model is based on neo-Marxism. According to this model, mass media are centra1 institutions for hegemony over capitalistic societies. They control social movements through the imposition of a particular media frame on the mass audience. Both models have faults. The 'neutral channel' model is too naive to comprehend the idological character of mass media. The 'hegemony apparatus' model overestimates the dependency of social movements and the audience on the hegemonic process. The movement-media process is a process of struggle over the control of public cultural space in historical time. In order to model this process more adequately, we should direct our attention to the following points: (1) a split in hegemony reflects on the complexity of mass media; (2) the variety of cultural strategies of social movements; (3) the duality of the 'audience' as rhetoric and reality. This theoretical orientation also creates a criticall viewpoint on current audience research which tends to preserve a historical and fixed concept of the audience.

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Today, in the age of rapid innovation of communication technologies, it seems to be more and more important and inevitable to reexamine and reconstruct the total frame of mass communication research because this innovation is supposed to bring great changes to almost every sphere in the social communication process and its structure. Naturally, "audience" research also faces this new stage of communication. What is the situation of the "audience", and where can we see the "audience" in this new stage of communication today? Attempting to present a new point of view from which to reconsider and reconstruct the concept cf the "audience", this article emphasizes three points of consideration as follows: 1. First of all, it seems to be crucial to deconstruct the static model of the "audience" and to redefine it under the wider aspect of social communications as a whole where they are involved. This means that the "audience"should be 'freed' from the rigid framework which deals with them simply as if they have no other real relationships except with mass media. Needless to say, the "audience" are real people who are not only in a relationship to mass media but are also in rather more complex ties with social communications in diverse spheres. That means we have to 'situate' the "audience" correctly in a wider context of social communications, in other words in a socio-cultural context. 2. Secondly, it is necessary to make the category of the "audience" clear in terms of the conditions under which it deserves to be used within the limitations in the mass media-related context. The concept of the "audience" is an historical term which was originated as a schematic directly related to mass media. 3. Thirdly, this article insists on the importance of seeing the reality of the "audience" in this revolutionary era of communications. The "audience"seems to be in a somewhat ambivalent, say contradictory, situation under this overall socio-cultural and communicational change. This change may have two orientations which contradict each other. One is the orientation to open to people the possibilities of wider accessibility to immense and valid information. The other is the tendency toward acceleration of media centralization and its monopoly. What is important in seeing the "audience" today is to clarify the ambiguity of the situation in communications which surrounds the concept and to make clear the dominant logic which loads the socio-cultural context as a whole.

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In recent years the reception theory of mass media discourse (message), which shares a concern for exploring or predicting the variable interpretation of information or of cultural context, has become an active field for mass communication research and theory, but its results are still somewhat elusive. For the development of the reception theory, I have tried in this paper to raise some problems about the reception processes of the audience as decoder, paying attention to the strategies of the mass media, and taking up an example of television viewers. Before raising the problems about the analysis of reception by the audience, it is necessary for us to examine the strategies of the media. In the beginning of this examination, we have to make clear whether or not the strategies of the media are made up by the media themselves, or are the intention of something else, for example the government, behind the media, or whether they are a result of the collusion of the latter with the former. The next step is to analyze some strategies of the media themselves. The strategies are accomplished by sequences of moves that try to realize goals as effectively as possible. Media tend to strategically represent media discourses as a move in the forms of "reality-deviation", "fragmentation","displacing", "masking" and etc. on the one hand, and in the forms of "ommssion" or "missing" concerning the crucial information for the audiences on the other. We have to be aware of the strategies of the media in this combination of moves, that is, the positive move on the one hand, and the negative move on the other. Considering the above point, media discourses should be analyzed according to the following points, as H. H. Davis tried to do: "Who is speaking?", "What are they saying?" and "What do they mean?". The next problem is to explore the way by which the audiences behave (react) to the discourses. We have to deal with two problems here. The first is the problem which D. Morey raised in his work, "Family Television" (Comedia, 1986), concerning the structural distribution of cultural competence which is related to the work of Pierre Bourdieu (French socio1ogist). Furthermore, we have to deal with the problem of the audiences' intentional or unintentional interpretation of the media discourses through collusion with the senders of the media. Finally, our tasks are to improve our frames of reception and interpretation of media discourses and to collectively construct these critical frames of reception ancl interpretation vis-a-vis the media through social interaction. It is also our task to activate our criticism of the nedia and to raise the norms of media performances through public opinion of the media.

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Sweden Passed the Freedom of the Press Act in 1766. It was decided that this Act should be a fundmental law of the constitutional state. This law (1)prohibited censorship, with the exception of theological publications, and (2)allowed free publication of official documents. This Act gave rise to open ,discussion in publications and pamphlets which was without precedent in Sweden. King Gustav III, however, seized power in 1772, and in the confusion of the "riksdag", he struck some sections off, especially the items providing public access to official documents. In 1812, the principles of the freedom of the press and public access to official documents were laid down in a new Freedom of the Press Act. Today in Sweden the freedom of the press is a fundamental right established by the Constitution. Sweden enacted the first Freedom of the Press Act in the world. This period from 1718 to 1772 is called the Age of Freedom (Frihetstiden). In the Age of Freedom the King's authority was restricted, consequently the "riksdag" had power. In this "riksdag" the reins of government were taken up between two political parties, the Hat party (Hattpartiet) and the Cap party (Mossapartiet). A number of people argued about the freedom of the press and censorship. Not only Anders Nordencrantz, who was an upholder of the Caps, but Nils Oelreich, who was the last censor and a supporter of the Hats, criticized the government for having censorship, and claimed the freedom of the press. Nordencrantz lived in England in his younger days and many of his ideas were influenced by contemporary English ideas. He was a representative in the burgher estate of the "riksdag". The Caps came to power in l765, and wanted to bar the censor. Anders Cydenius, the clergyman-riksdagsman, demanded freedom of the press. The Press Act of 1766 was more radical than most of the debaters had contemplated. In this paper I have summarized the history of Swedish journalism with regard to the legislative process of the Freedom of the Press Act which was promulgated in 1766.

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Hansung Sunbo was the first modern Newspaper in Korea. The first edition was written and published by Kakugoro Inoue in 1883. Hansung Sunbo's importance in the history of the press is its emphasis on Korean modernization and ideology which was popular among the readers. Its publication became a turning point in the history of the Korean press. Inoue did not put emphasis on research and made little progress. The Korean people perceived Kakugoro Inoue as an instrument of the MEIJI government and did not acknowledge his great contribution to the Korean press. The Korean harbor became an open port after the Kang Wha Do (treaty)in 1876. As part of the treaty of Kang Wha Do, a third diplomatic mission was sent by Korea to Japan When Ock Kyun Kim and Dongin Lee, members of that mission, lived in Asakusabetsusou, they had a deep relationship with Ukichi Fukuzawa. During their stay in Japan they had the opportunity to view Japan, its political world and civilization system. At that time, Young Ho Park and Ock Kyun Kim established the Bark Mun Guk, and by recomendation of Fukuzawa, were introduced to 6 people beside Inoue. They purchased a printing machine in Nagasaki and started publishing a newspaper・At that time, Inoue was appointed as an associate editor and he was mainly responsible for collecting materials, serving as the redactor, and supervising translation and printing. Finally on October 31, 1883, the first edition was published (Hansung Sunbo). Yun Sik Kim and Inoue also published the Han Sung Junbo and changed the name on January 25, 1886. The Han Sung Sunbo was the first newspaper written in the Korean language in the history of the press, and which also used the Korean literary style. Inoue was a very famous journalist and he was a pioneer in the history of Korean speech (press). Although Han Sung Sunbo was published 104 years ago, nobody knows much about him in Korea and he has not been a subject of research. As he made an important contribution, we have to reassess his place in the history of the Korean press.

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The preserved draft of the news put out on the day WW II ended-August 15, 1945-is a document of great historical value and forms the actual basis for this research. This document tells us the way that the Japanese government reported defeat in the war to the people. It also informs us about the process of news rewriting because it includes a galley manuscript which was distributed by the Domei News Agancy in advance and was not merely a draft for broadcasting which was read by announcers. From the way that the draft was rewritten we are aware of the type of consciousness that broadcasting station personnel possessed. As for the problematic points regarding the news reporting the end of the war, while the news was distributed by Domei, the National News Agency, the news rewrite was mutually agreed upon. To cite an example, in reporting the Potsdam Declaration, the underlined portion of Article 10 which reads "stern justice shall be meted out to all war criminals, including those who have visited cruelties upon our prisoners," was deleted, and "war criminals" was rewritten and broadcast as "those people responsible for the war". When questioned as to why this kind of intentional revision was undertaken, the person who was in charge at the time said that it was "to soften the sting of the defeat", but it appears that there was a positive agreement between the government and the military with broadcasting agencies. As for the background behind the stance taken in reporting the news, from the time that broadcasting was established in 1925, the government exercised strict guidance and control, and the broadcasting stations themselves felt that it was their duty to guide the people. They probably saw their work as "carrying out a state mission". The points which I have taken up in this paper, such as guiding the people's consciousness, the deleting of certain items, and the rewrite process in reporting the termination of the war, symbolize an important aspect of radio's news reporting which was in positive accord with the authorities.

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The government of Indonesia has endeavoured to achieve social integration and nation-building. With a view to realizing its national ideal and goal, "Unity in Diversity", the Suharto administration has designed the 5-year development plans (1st-6th), including communication plans, and has implemented them since 1969. As an element of the 2nd development plan, the Palapa satellite A1 was launched in 1976, A2 in 1977 and B1 in 1983. The launching of the Palapa A1-2 has mostly completed the Domestic Satellite Communication System (SKSD). This system has an impact on many aspects of communications, especially on TV broadcasting. An increase in the number of TV sets, however, is observed only in cities. In rural areas most of the people do not possess a TV set. In this situation, the Department of Information plans to set up "public TV", for example in assembly rooms in rural areas, giving more people the opportunity to watch TV. In this context, one of the significant findings on TV viewing is that, in both cities and rural areas, many people are interested in news, documentaries and information programs as well as in entertainment programs. The importance of TV viewing lies in the fact that its audience, more or less, becomes aware of other ethnic groups and their cultures. This awareness will lead to the understanding of Indonesia as a nation with diverse cultures, which will eventually contribute to achieving social integration and nation-building in Indonesia. The "Unity in Diversity" of Indonesia might be affected by the uniformity possibly resulting from the SKSD. Based on a comprehensive understanding of the SKSD, we should further our studies on the social integration and nation-building of Indonesia, which is an antithesis to the concept of the nation-state in the modernization theory of the West.

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Communication scholars have been concerned with issues related to the role of mass media in constructing social reality. To examine the media's function in the news process, news studies need to link communicator analysis with audience analysis. The purpose of this article is to explain the concept of "actuality (Aktualitat)" and K. Merten's integrated model of total news process (Aktualitat Modell), and to discuss the relation of "actuality" with the construction of reality. The concept of "actuality" has been referred to as one of the essential features of the news message in the traditional mass media studies of West Germany. Merten, however, insists that it is defined as the motivation-scale of communication. According to his definition, "actuality" consists of two interacting factors: "surprise" (Uberrassung) as information-value and "relevance" (Relevanz). In other words, the more an event is surprising to the communicator as well as to the audience, and the more both of them are interested in it, the more likely it is to be transmitted and received as news. In the mass cornmunication process, Merten argues, the audience's reconstruction" of reality is performed by receiving the news selected by mass media, i. e. , the communicator's "construction" of reality. On the other hand, news actuality results in creating, more or less, a shared reality which is based on common "actllality" in the various social processes; more concretely, as illustrated by Merton, through "imaginary communication" (virtuelle Kommunikation) and the three dimensions of "reflexivity" (Reflexivitat). This means that the mass media provide social members with an image of "real-reality". In sum, "actuality" is regarded as a fundamental criterion of news selection that governs both the mass media's and the individuals' construction of reality. The shared "actuality" among social members, I suppose, would create a feeling of being present and a moment of participating in a common reality, and, therefore, function as the basis for making up that common reality.

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This study was designed to explore and analyze some features related to the evaluations and the perceptions Japanese university students held toward the political coverage of the press. In paticular, while replicating and extending earlier studies conducted in the U.S., the aims of the present paper are threefold : to examine the multifaceted evaluations of the newspapers' political stories while referring to specific dimensions in categories of competence/trust, community involvement/personalism, and bias/sensationalism; to follow systematically the way Japanese youth construct their image of the press' functifon; and to determine whether newspapers' image has any effect on selected demographic and media use variables. The findings reveal that the press is highly trusted in its political reportage, perceived as fulfilling and realizing its social role, and as presenting unbiased coverage as well as reflecting correctly the public opinion. More-over, frequency of general exposure to newspapers and television, reading or watching the political content of the news media, political interest, stances and knowledge of political events are all found to be associated with different degrees of perception of the printed media. From the comparative viewpoint, the study points out a diversity and variation of newspapers' images held in the U.S. and Japan and suggests further comparison surveys.

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Studies on the signification of advertising have been developing from the iconography of imagery of ads to the semiotic analysis of them. It has been clarified by researchers like J. Williamson that products presented in ads are given value by objects or persons that already have value for consumers. They claim that the "transference" of value or meaning in ads occurs at the level of connotation and that the process of this transference is kept within the unconsciousness of the receivers/consumers. These processes occur because advertisements more or less include what they call "myth". According to R. Barthes and E. Goffman, the decoding of myth in an advertisement is achieved "at a flash" and the myth is supported by the "objectivity" of the denotative level, i. e. signifiers such as photographs and illustrtations that are believed to have no codes. For that reason, myth, not as a fact but as a pre-decided value of the sender of the ads, is what Barthes called "the semantic artifice of connotation". In the modern capitalist market manufacturers try to differentiate their products through these processes, and consumers tend to differentiate themselves by possessing or using such products. Williamson claims that such products form "totemic groups" of consumers. According to her, people who try to differentiate themselves by using a product are discerned by the "totem" of the product in the society they belong to. Such people identify themselves with the product as rich, sophisticated, attractive characters such as ads present. In a consumer society Iike ours, advertisements create the self-images of consumers, that is, the "subjects" of consumers are represented by many signifiers that are presented by mass communication and market communication including advertising. The ideological result of advertising is the pretense that use of the advertised product will upgrade the consumer as "promised"; however, in reality, the consumer remains in his or her original social condition.

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This thesis proves the characteristics of 'Empirical Cultural Studies' in England toward a conceptualization of active audience, and compares it with other approaches. This thesis was developed based on the articles of Stuart Hall and David Morley. At present, the subjects of active audience and audience activity are studied through various approaches. The first is uses and gratifications research, which has been studied since the 1940s. This approach traces the source of a receiver's activity to the psychological level, such as wants and needs. This activity is said to appear as the behavioral form of uses and gratifications which people derive from media. The second approach is that of cognitive psychology, which is a recently developed frame of analysis. It regards as the key concept which proves activity the concept of scheme and script, and proves that active behavior appears in the form of cognitive process. The third one examines the social influence of new media. This approach regards interactivity, which characterizes new information technology (or new media), as that which heightens the inter-activity between receivers or between receiver and sender. However, through the cultural studies approach, this thesis attempts to prescribe the activity of active audience by reading the text based on a definite social-linguistic code. Finally, in order to refine and integrate the concept of active audience, this thesis examines these four approaches.

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