This essay refers to the Concept of Charisma and its Institution building that Max Weber has raised and S.N. Eisensdat has extended. In its pure form charismatic authority has a character specifically foreign to routine structure of Society. If this does not remain a temporal phenomenon, but is to take on the character of a permanent mutual relationship forming a stable community of disciples or a band of followers, it is necessary for the charismatic character to become changed. The transmission of charisma was the first step of the　transformation　of more continuous social organization.
　This essay aims at examing the transmission of Dharma (law) between master and disciples in Mahayana Buddhism of India, China, and Japan. Especially in Japanese Buddhism has taken the form of the mystical Tanra rite of face to face transmission between master and disciples. This form produced new founder of Kamakura Buddhism while Jodo-line Buddhist congregation adopted its mystical transmission of charisma between master and disciples and established the domination over its followers. The transmission of Dharma has changed into hereditary charisma which lias changed into Primogeniture.

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　Perfect Liberty Kyodan is one of the famous sects in Japan, and in order to study it, I have made participant observation since april in 1979.
　In this thesis, I focus on role of faith healing in Japan. At first I descride faith healing in general, then I write outline of Perfect Liberty Kyodan, and after that I write such Phenomena, Mishirase, Mioshie, Oyashikiri, Migawari which are relating to faith healing.
　In conclusion, I write that medical service and faith healing make up for each other, and this is the reason why in Japan many believersof sects exist Perfect Liberty Kyodan has another attraction.
　It attracts youth by external modernity, but in crisis, it attracts man by doctrine, such as Mishirase, Mioshie, Oyashikiri, Migawari.

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　This paper is an attempt to study a group of people who support a folk festival. Focusing on the Jizo Obon festival, I would like to show the function of the festival group in its community. These people take part in the preparations for and performance of the Jizo Obon festival and other regular Kuyo (Buddhist worship and other religious rituals).
　The festival group, known in Japan as "Jizo-ko" provides both the leadership and the followership for the festival.
　In this investigation of the influence of the festival group upon the community and the degree to which the Jizo faith has penetrated the community, I unfortunately had to rely on a limited number of cases.
　Future research along these lines may help us to understand in greater detail the relationship between the festival group and other social groups and mechanisms.

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　The Ittoen community was established by Nishida Tenko about fifty years ago in order to realize the ideals of a collective, Utopian society.　At that time, the members of the community took Tenko's teachings seriously and practiced the "life of repentance". When the community was first established, members worked outside of Ittoen and lived from hand to mouth. But now, compared with the early Ittoen, the community is very much changed. Ittoen has gradually accumulated considerable property so that members have a safe and secure livelihood. The community itself engages in printing, agricultural sales, publishing, construction work etc. and members can work within the community. This has had a direct impacton the daily and spiritual life of members. Still, members insist that Ittoen's situation has not changed since the time it was founded. In this paper, which grew out of my own participation and observation, I want to show that, contrary to the belief of some members, the Ittoen community has in fact changed considerably. I shall discuss the social background of Ittoen, its belief system and way of life. I shall also discuss the question whether Ittoen is a religious community or not. Finally, I shall approach the changes in Ittoen from the viewpoint of secularization, the decline of religion, the routinization of charisma (Veralltaglichung des Charismas, etc. The conclusion of this paper is that the influence of Ittoen's belief system is weaker than in the past and that the community has changed very much.

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　Oomoto, a new religion founded in 1892, is notable for its charismatic leaders and two harsh suppressions by militarist governments (1921, 1935). after World war II the order has been rebuilt,and now has about 160,000 affiliates.
　The findings of our research (in 1979; number of the subjects: 76 families, 181 persons) are as follows.
　There is not much difference in social characterbetween our subjects and the rest of the citizens. Our subjects comprise members of the first generation (43%), second (29%) and third (21%).
　They have the fundamental beliefs common to Japanese traditional religious patterns. Those beliefs and services are practised among them at a high rate. The membership of the families is almost stationary.
　' The deprivation theory" of conversion is not applicable to most of the members. Through the influence of the family, most of them accept Oomoto as the family religion.
　As for the degrees of the commitment,these fall into three groups. 1. Deeply committed (24%). They have the title "Missionary", but are not necessarily eager about the mission. Their average age is high. 2. Committed (54%) Theyobserve everyday services strictly or loosely. Two-thirds of them are women. 3. Indifferent (23%).
　One of the most notable teachings of Oomoto is "to renew and rebuild theworld". It was a messianistic appeal and wasconnected with the Buddhist millenarian belief in the world of "Miroku". There have been various interpretations of this teaching in the order. Today the most dominant (33 %) is one that lays emphasis on the renewal of each individual'ssoul.(A few have the eschatological interpretation : 5%). This interpretation does not deny logically the implication of social change. But practically, most of our subjects have lost interest in social change. Most of them are content with their life and work. And the belief in their god is characterized by the gratitude and intimacy foward him who support^their everyday life and the continuity of their amcestry.
　The portrait of the Oomoto affiliates by our research is much different from that of the prewar period, based mainly on literary documents.
　We can see at least that the teachings' once considered "the most radical idea of reformation by modern Japanese populace", have, in the interpretation and practice of the affiliates, been reconciled with the everyday life of today. We do not intend to estimate negatively this state of belief. We might then not study the problem of belief from the dualistic vieue,ie. sacred vs profane, but inguire into everyday life as something which embraces the sacred, dynamically and historically.

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　The purpose of this thesis is to study shamanism in Nepal from a view of sociology. In order to study, there are two ways, namely (that is to say) studying of shamans activities both analysing of their clients and social background supported in shamanism.
　Shaman is called Jhakri (or Jhankri) by people in Nepal. In the case village people become sick, they go to Jhakri or call Jhakri to their houses. Jhakri take cure of sick people and many others. Jhakri does divination and turn away demon, evil, ghost, and the dead soul. Nepalese believe that the dead soul (Mason) make sick to them, and there are many sorcereres (Boksi, many/Boksa, very little). Jhakri take cure of such sick people who are in trouble due to Boksi, Boksa, Masan, other evil, ghost, demon etc.
　This is traditional custom of Nepal.

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