カートはおよび東フリカ諸国で栽培・消費される嗜好品である。嗜好品は結衆、つまり人々を結ぶ効果を持つ。とエチオピアではカートの消費方法が異なるが、エチオピアに住む系移民は、エチオピアの方法でカートを消費する。彼らは日々系移民とカートを噛んでいるわけではないが、エチオピア東部のディレ・ダワではカートは系移民とエチオピア人をつなぐ結衆効果を発揮している。

抄録全体を表示

Yemen is situated in the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula. In 626/1228 the Sunni dynasty of Rasulids (626-858/1228-1454) conquered Lower Yemen, and thereafter they were constantly pitted against the Zaydi Imamate that ruled over Upper Yemen. The Rasulids built many madrasa in Zabid, the largest city in the Tihama, for the purpose of training and protecting the Sunni ‘ulama’. This measure was taken in order to assert the legitimacy of their rule over Yemen and prevent the advance of the Zaydi Imamate. Under the Rasulids there existed several distinguished families who produced a succession of ‘ulama’. These families included the Banu 'Ujayl, Banu al-Manbah, and another was the Banu al-'Imran, who are taken up for consideration in the present article.
In the 6th/12th century the Banu al-'Imran, who had living in the Tihama, migrated to the village of Masna'a near the city of al-Janad in the southern highlands of Lower Yemen. Because the Banu al-'Imran had already produced several renowned ‘ulama’, the ‘ulama’ of this region began coming to study under members of the family. During the reign of the Rasulids sultan al-Muzaffar Yusuf b. 'Umar, a member of the Banu al-'Imran by the name of al-Qadi Muhammad b. As'ad b. Muhammad b. Musa b., al-Husayn b. As'ad al-'Imrani formed a close friendship with the sultan. Consequently, with the backing of the sultan's authority, the family came to have enormous influence, especially in the administration of justice, and they began to appoint as qadi those ‘ulama’ who had connections with the family. This led to confusion and corruption in the administration of justice. But after the death of the sultan al-Muzaffar and the installation of a new sultan, the Banu al-'Imran were deprived of their power.

抄録全体を表示

目的
国民が受けることができる医療には、先進国と開発途上国間で大きな隔たりがあるだけでなく、国内にも格差がある。保健省の場合、格差是正のため、公的医療を効率的にできるだけ多くの国民に広げることを目標としているが、地方から医療情報を集める体制が整っているとはいえない。そこで、ほぼ全国に拡大している国家結核対策のデータを利用し、地域間の格差を分析することに意義があると考える。本稿では、郡別に新規塗抹陽性結核患者発見率を求め、それと関連する因子を統計的に分析することで、新規塗抹陽性結核患者発見向上に資するべく考察した。
方法
で行われた2004年末の国勢調査による最新の人口を基に、WHOの基準に従い、郡別の新規塗抹陽性結核患者届出数から郡別に発見率を求めた。この郡別新規塗抹陽性結核患者発見率と、顕微鏡施設の有無、人口規模、州都からの距離などの因子を比較して統計分析することを試みた。
結果
新規塗抹陽性結核患者が発見される確率は、人口42,322人以上の郡で高く、また、顕微鏡施設が配置されている郡では、郡別新規塗抹陽性結核患者発見率が70%以上である確率が高いことが判明した。顕微鏡施設の有無は、新規塗抹陽性結核患発見の向上につながる要因と考えられる。さらに、新規塗抹陽性結核患者が発見された地域の人口総数は、国全人口の約74.1％であり、保健医療政策の目標である全国75％の人口に公的医療を提供する計画とほぼ合致する。
結論
郡別の新規塗抹陽性結核患者届出数から求めた発見率は、特定の因子について統計的有意差があることが確認された。郡別の新規塗抹陽性結核患者発見率の分析を通じて、開発途上国での結核対策を評価する参考となることが期待される。

抄録全体を表示

Yemen is in the southern region of the Arabian peninsula. al-Hadi ila-1-Haqq Yahya b. al-Husayn [245-298/859-911], the first Imam al-Zaydi al-Shii in Yemen, arrived at Sa^cda and Najran which are cities in Northern Yemen by the request of the tribes in those cities. They invited him as a mediator for settling their deep disputes since the time of Jahiriya. In the former researches about the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen, most of the results are only a description of what followed his activity chronologically. But I have a question about that, namely, why he was invited as a mediator? I think that if the tribes wanted someone to mediate in their desputes, a person with the ability to mediate was available. They did not need to call him for it. In this research, I have examined the arrival of al-Hadi at Yemen by investigating his biography both in the tribal aspect and the al-Hadi's aspect. In the conclusion I have pointed out that the tribes in Yemen have some consciousness of the worship of the Prophet and his descendants, so they invited al-Hadi who is a descendant of the Prophet.

抄録全体を表示

This paper refers to the Wadi al-Sa'ilah improvement project, which is one of the most important projects of the preservation plan for the Old City of Sana' a, Yemen. Before the establishment of the preservation office, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Planning made two plans. One of them is Open Channel Plan, which Yemen government adopted as their basic idea. This paper aims to give consideration to technical cooperation in conservation field through the examination of the various issues of the Yemeni Plan, revised version of the Open Channel Plan.

抄録全体を表示

The subject of my research is the relationship between tribal structures and regional divisions in North Yemen. The research is organized into three parts: (a) the current situation of tribes and rural administrative divisions; (b) the history of traditional regional divisions in medieval times; and (c) the evolution of traditional regional divisions to the rural administrative divisions of North Yemen in the modern era. This article draws on (b).
The terms mikhlaf and ^cuzlah are the indigenous titles of the Yemeni regional divisions. However it is not clear what they comprise since there has been insufficient research on Yemeni regional divisions. References to the mikhlaf and ^cuzlah in three classic texts, al-Hamdani's Sifah Jazirah al-^cArab, Yaqut's Mu^cjam al-Buldan and al-Hajari's Majmu^c Buldan al-Yamaniyyah wa Qaba'il-ha, clearly indicate that the mikhlaf is the term used to describe the regional division in the southern highlands of North Yemen during the medieval period, while the ^cuzlahs are sub-divisions of the mikhlaf.
Next, I study the tribal genealogies (al-Hamdani's Kitab al-Iklil and the above Yaqut's text) to trace the ancestry of the component tribes of the mikhlafs. This indicates that the tribes of Himyar al-Humaysa^c were the most influential, especially those tribes descending from Jusham in the genealogies. Thus, it can be said that the mikhlaf and ^cuzlah are historically the indigenous structure of regional divisions in the southern highlands of North Yemen, in which the component tribes of those are the Jusham tribes.

抄録全体を表示

背景及び目的
ザンビアの首都ルサカでは15歳～49歳の16％がHIV 陽性（2001/2年）であるが、結核も重要な保健問題である。DOTS戦略は2002年に全国に拡大し、患者発見率81％、治癒率73％で、WHOの掲げる治癒率85％には満たない。また、HIVの蔓延により結核患者数は年々増加傾向にあり、末端レベルの診断センターにおける結核診断の精度強化が急務になっている。この様な背景のもとに国際協力機構（JICA）による「ザンビア国エイズ及び結核対策プロジェクト」の一環として、喀痰塗抹検査サービス向上・改善のための外部精度管理（EQA）システムのモデル構築が試みられた。本稿ではその成果を報告し、途上国における結核問題解決の一助になる質の高い菌検査体制のあり方を論じた。
方法
ルサカ州の全診断センター22カ所をモデル対象とした。EQAはEQAグローバルガイドラインに沿って行われ、抽出したスライド標本を第三者によってブラインド再鏡検し、塗抹標本作成の質及び鏡検技術の質の上から評価した。これら得られたEQAの結果（2003年7月～2005年9月）に基づいて検討し、考察を加えた。
結果・考察
鏡検技術のMajor errorは5%から0.7%、Minor errorは3.4%から0.3％へと減少した。また、エラー未発生の施設数は、EQA開始初期は対象22施設中わずか3施設に過ぎなかったが、観察最終時期には17施設に増加した。また、標本作成の質をみると技師の技術が直接反映される塗抹の厚さ、大きさ、均等性などが国際的な標準に近づき大きく改善され、塗抹標本作成時のこれらの因子が鏡検のエラーに作用することが示唆された。この様にこの精度管理システムの有効性が示され、頻繁な巡回指導と支援体制が重要であることが明らかになった。精度管理システムの導入・定着による質の高い喀痰塗抹検査の確立は結核対策の基本であるDOTS戦略成功のための不可欠な要因であり、結核罹患率・HIV感染率共に高い多くの開発途上国での新たな結核感染の拡大を防ぐ鍵になると期待される。

抄録全体を表示

There have been many political powers through the history of Yemen. Among them are the Zaydi tribes in the Upper Yemen who are still as powerful as they have ever been. The purpose of this paper is to argue that authority of a shaykh (a tribal leader) is based on his success in arbitration, commenting Dresch's papers. Tribesmen are farmers, who live in villages or village clusters and produce very largely for their own subsistence. Villages comprise a section, and sections comprise a tribe. Most of the tribes belong to one or the other of the two confederations: Hashid and Bakil. In this way, tribes have a segmentary system, but tribesmen do not remember detailed genealogical relations. A shaykh comes from a shaykhly family. It is not the rule for a tribe or a section to recognize a single shaykh. He seldom has rights over his tribesmen's land or tax collection. It is therefore by his ability of arbitration that a shaykh can establish and extend his influence. A tribesman has a concept of honour that he must defend himself and those under his protection and keep their peace. If the peace breaks, his honour will be lost. Therefore he will recover his loss by disputing. On the other hand, as a shaykh assimilates his honour to his tribe or section, he will lose his honour by the dispute; accordingly he will be involved in it and recover his honour by success in arbitration. The process of arbitration is as follows; 1) Men at odds choose whom they wish to judge the matter by themselves. They can go to any shaykh with a reputation as an arbitrator. Such a shaykh can extend his influence beyond his tribe and confederation. Men of religious learning can also be arbitrators. 2) Men at odds hand their rifles to the arbitrator, by which it is meant that they ask him to judge their matters and stop disputing themselves. 3) On the other hand, taking rifles as guarantee, the arbitrator takes responsibility for the peace of the arbitration and for the compensation, and is accorded authority to arbitrate the matter. If matters are complicated, he requires each disputing party guarantors to be responsible for the peace and compensation. A breach of the peace during arbitration by someone under guaranty is an insult to the guarantor, as well as to the arbitrator who demands due amends. The arbitrator dialogues with, not commands, men at odds, reaches a consensus, and persuades them to a ccept it. He should use his knowledge (shaykhs know customs and men of religious learning know the shari'a) and possess eloquence. 4) The ties among arbitrator, guarantors and men at odds, formed for a particular matter, is dissolved at the end of the arbitration, which accompanies the return of the rifles. There is an exception to this. Hijrah, a tribal enclave, has a fixed guarantor who is always responsible for the hijrah's peace. Shaykhs with reputations as arbitrators have arbitrated many matters out of their tribal territory. Today they are concerned with state politics and some of them behave as arbitrators. In Yemen, the peace is not coerced but produced through dialogue.

抄録全体を表示

・アラブ共和国の蝶若干種の精子形成過程を調べて染色体を観察したので結果を要約する.これらの蝶は1980年にMr.T.B.LARSENによって採集され,それらの染色体の調査を依託されたものである.各産地の概略はLARSEN(1982b)の報告に記されている.なお,アラビア半島の蝶の染色体は,これまでオーマンの5種で調べられている(SAITOH,1982). 1. Papilio machaon rathjensi WARNECKE: Jabal Sabr産の1♂で第1分裂および第2分裂の染色体を観察した.n,30.アラビア半島のmachaonは3亜種(m. muetingi, m. syriacusおよびm. rathjensi)に分化し,それぞれは互に遠く隔った別地域に分布している(LARSEN,1981).これらのうちでは,muetingiの核型は全く未調査であるが,syriacusはBeirutの♂で染色体が調べられ,n,31と報告されている(LARSEN,1975).アラビア半島のsyriacusはサウジアラビアのHofuf一帯にのみ知られるがその染色体は未調査であり,分布域が遠く隔っている両個体群の核学的関係を知る必要がある.rathjensiは上記の通りn,30であって,報告されているsyriacusとは異った核型をもっている.2. Ypthima asterope asterope KLUG: DalilおよびWadi Dur産のそれぞれ1♂で第1分裂の染色体を検した.共にn,14の染色体がみられ,両者は核型にちがいはないようにみえる.Fig.2はDalil産♂の中期像である.Lebanon産♂もn,14であるが(LARSEN,1975),染色体数以外の核型の特徴は報告されていない.また,Y.a.asteropeおよびネパールのY. lisandra awata (n, 16, MAEKI & AE, 1970)の染色体数は同属の既知染色体数(n, 24, 27, 29, 37)に比べて格段に少ない.この属は多数の酷似種を含むが多様な核型をもつようであるから,今後の比較調査が期待される. 3. Gegenes pumilio HOFFMANSEGG: Dalil産の1♂で第1分裂の染色体を観察した.n, 41.マーカー染色体(最大染色体)が一つ容易に識別される.Gegenes pumilioと呼ばれているセセリチョウには,現在少なくともn,24の個体群と,n,41の個体群が含まれることが知られている.前者はLESSE(1960,1967)が調べたNiceおよびAlgerなどの西地中海沿岸の個体群であり,後者はLESSE(1960)およびLARSEN(1982a)が調べているGulekおよびBeirutなどの東地中海沿岸の個体群である.Dalil産♂の染色体数は,まさに後者と同じである.n,24と41の個体は,形態および交尾器に,両者を区別できるような特徴はみられない(LARSEN,1982a).またこの種では染色体数以外の核型の特徴の記載がこれまで全くなされていないのみならず,染色体像も公表されていない.さらに各地の材料を,染色体と生活史の両面から精査する必要がある.なお,地中海沿岸には同属の(G.nostrodamusも分布しているが,この種はn,15であってその核型はpumilioと全くことなっている(SAITOH,1979).

抄録全体を表示