はワイン発祥地の一つと考えられているが, 冷戦終結前は旧ソ連に属していたために, 我々日本人には, その内情を知ることは困難であった。しかし, ソ連の崩壊で独立したため, 以前は困難であった入国が可能になった。1998年にを旅行した著者に気候, 風土およびワイン製造の実情について解説していただいた。

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In 1236, the tamachi army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.
In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands (“tmanis mtavari” in Georgian) by the Mongols.
After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine tümens. Each of these tümens could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.

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　The microflora of kefir grains is highly varied Seven varieties of microflora with varying properties were compared in this study. A previous report suggested that Candida kefir, one of the main yeast species in kefir,causes opportunistic infections. Different combinations of the strains,exept Candida kefir, present in kefir grains were examined. ① The weight of kefir grains increased at all combinations. The kefir grain weight,except those of the genus Candida,showed an increase. ② Although it was thought that yeast played a role in imparting rigidity to the kefir grains, Lactobacillus kefiri GKL-2 and L. kefiranofaciens GKL-28 were found to play the main role in imparting rigidity.

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我が国は、米国、EUとともに、ロシアおよび５つの旧ソ連邦(CIS)諸国（アルメニア、ベラルーシ、、カザフスタン、キルギスタン）における大量破壊兵器関連科学者の流出防止と平和産業転換のために、ISTC（国際科学技術センター）を設立してほぼ１０年になる。その活動の近況と課題等を紹介する。

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本稿では，約70年間同じソビエト社会にあった，ロシア，，ウズベキスタン，そしてロシア国内のタタルスタンのジェンダーの状況を明らかにするとともに，今後のジェンダーの動向を予測している。分析に際しては，女性の就労と役割分担，そしてそれらに影響を与えているであろう各社会の有する規範に焦点を当て，「旧ソ連の共和国で大量の専業主婦は誕生するのか」という課題について考察を行っている。

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The revolt of Tegüder Oghul, whose name has been often misread as Nigüder, was a serious factor in the situation of war between Baraq Khan and Abaqa Khan in 1270.
Tegüder was a grand son of Chaghatai Khan and ason of Muji Yabah. He came to Iran with Hülegü leading a tümen of army selected from the ulus of Chagatai and settled himself in the Il-Khanid territory. His summer camp was in Ayrarat in Armenia and winter quater was in Nakhchivan on the river Aras. He received high respect from the Il-Khans as a member of the Chingizids.
In the summer of 1269 revolted against Abaqa Khan and forced himself in Gurjistan with the instigation of the Chaghataid Khan Baraq. Immediately Shiremün Noyan, who camped in the mountains of Artani, attacked and defeated his army and captured some of them. Tegüder fled into the Imeretian Kindom of Western Georgia and reorganized his troops there, then began subversive activites in central Georgia. In 1270, Shiremün was dispatched again and succeeded in the suppression and took him prisoner. He was deprived of his army and confined inthe Island of Shahi in the lake Urmiya. he was released and stayed in the Il-Khan's Ordo until death.
Iu the war of 1269-1270, he hold in check the main body of the Il-Khanid army in west Iran, so they did not depart from Azarbaijian for the front before his surrender.
Tegüder's defeat caused the dissolution of the Chaghataid army in Iran and strengthened the Hülegüid feature of Il-Khanid state. His short lived success of the revolt was due to the aids of Imeretien king Dimitri IV. We see native dynasties began to influence the poliical balance between Mongol antagonists.

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An econometric study of the technical efficiency of agriculture in the Soviet Union before its collapse has not been done so far. In this paper, an attempt is made to measure the technical efficiency of agriculture for 15 republic countries of the Soviet Union from 1960 to 1990. We calculated four measurements of technical efficiency, ROIN, PTE, SE and MIX, and determined whether they converged or not. The measured total technical efficiency ROIN showed that these values were all very low and continued to decrease until 1990, just before the collapse of the Soviet Union. We also checked the degree of convergence of these efficiencies, but found that most of them did not converge but instead diverged. The fall of the Soviet Union would be explained by many factors. Our study was able to show that the large scale agriculture conducted in Russia like kolkhoz and sovkhoz was very inefficient, and that the efficiency went from bad to worse over time. Therefore, they could not control the agriculture of other countries even if they had them adopt the same agricultural policy as that applied in the Soviet Union. In this paper, we showed that agricultural inefficiencies of 15 republic countries were one of the reasons why the Soviet Union collapsed, by using the above econometric measurements.

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［目的］コーカサスは旧ソ連のヨーロッパ部分の最南端に位置し、西は黒海、東はカスピ海に挟まれた地域であり、紀元前に遡る歴史をもち、古くから文化が栄えた。本研究では、の水道水および地下水の水質を調べ、この地域の生活用水の現状と将来について検討する。
［試料採取および実験］トビリシからバツーミまでの各都市の水道水および住民が飲用している湧水や地下水を採取し、上水道試験方法に従って水質を調べた。
［結果及び考察］首都トビリシは東部、内陸部の山に囲まれた平野にあり、大陸性気候である。ここで使われている水道水は、pH8付近、電気伝導度（EC）30~40ms/m、硬度120~160mg/Lの中硬水であった。黒海沿岸地方は湿潤温暖気候で、この地方の代表的な都市バツーミの水道水は、ECが低く、硬度35~45mg/Lの軟水であった。黒海の水は溶存酸素がやや低く、アニオン、カチオンの量を反映してECの値が著しく高くなっている。今回調査したほとんどの試料は硬度と総アルカリ度の値がよく関連しており、ミネラル分は炭酸塩由来であることを示している。の主な都市には上水道が布設されており、街角には水飲み場があり、人々は頻繁に飲用していた。水道水源は湧水や地下水で、水質は良好で、水量は豊富といえる。また、ミネラルウォーターの採水地も多い。これは、国土は山がちで、比較的降水量が多く、たくさんの河川に恵まれていることに加え、産業や観光目的の開発があまり進められていないことも水質保全に役立っていると思われる。

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The Maskhadov regime relied on Islam to resolve feuds among major leaders in Chechnya after the first Chechen war ended in 1996. Taking advantage of the situation, the Wahhabi expanded their influence in the republic. The Wahhabi were comprised mainly of Arabic political Islamists, who had fought against the Soviets in Afghanistan and come to Chechnya to participate in the first Chechen war.
In the summer of 1998, Osama Bin Laden, a new sponsor of the Wahhabi in Chechnya, began to establish a close relationship with anti-Maskhadov leaders (field commanders) attracting them by his abundant funds and his idea of establishing a unified Islamic republic in the north Caucasus. Encouraged by Bin Laden, Chechen armed forces attempted to invade the Russian republic of Dagestan in August 1999.
As Moscow lost no time in launching a counter attack, another Chechen war commenced. The Chechen conflict posed a threat to Russia in that it might not have only undermined Russia's territorial integrity, but could have also become a pretext for western countries, including the United States, to meddle in Russia's domestic affairs. Russia tried in vain to persuade Washington that Chechen separatists were disguised international terrorists and that Russia suffered from the same terrorism as the U.S. had during 1998 with American embassy attacks in Africa. The United States continued to attach importance to the human-rights aspects of the Chechen issue. President Vladimir Putin, taking office in 2000, was not able to make the U.S. change its attitude toward the Chechen problem as his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin, had likewise found impossible.
In Russia, moreover, some forces, especially the military elite, were opposed to cooperation with the United States. They alleged that none other than the U.S. had played a role in stirring up the situation in the north Caucasus. Thus, there would be no cooperation between the two countries for an anti-terrorist struggle.
The situation abruptly changed after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. U.S.-Russian relations as concerned terrorism seemed to take a 180 degree turnabout. Close analysis of the relationship, however, would show that Russia gave way more in the U.S. direction than vice versa. President Putin allowed Central Asian countries to accept U.S. military presence two weeks after the terrorist attacks, with the Republic of Georgia to follow suit during the spring of 2002 in defiance of the resistance of the political and military elite in Russia. He expected to ease their frustrations by successfully suppressing Chechen armed forces as a result of promoting cooperation between Russia and the United States. He also expected that Washington would admit Russia's war in Chechnya to be a war on terrorism. Such expectations, however, were not met.
The political forces in Russia, therefore, having assumed a negative attitude toward cooperation with the U.S., grew more frustrated. President Putin was forced to take steps to soothe their feelings. When he implied that he was ready to dispatch Russian troops to the Pankisskoye Gorge in the Republic of Georgia to eradicate Chechen fighters during September 2002, he intended to assuage the political and military elite which had not welcomed the U.S. military presence in Georgia from its inception.

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