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  • 梅本 勝博, 妹尾 大
    オフィス・オートメーション
    1996年 16 巻 5 号 67-74
    発行日: 1996/04/03
    公開日: 2019/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper presents a new perspective toward information technology, which reflects the emergence of "knowledge society" and the ongoing paradigm shift from "information processing" to "knowledge creation" in business management. Based upon the theoretical and practical framework for "organizational knowledge creation" constructed by Professors Nonaka and Takeuchi at Hitotsubashi University, we explain the "knowledge spiral" across four modes of "knowledge conversion" and across organizational levels (individual, group, organizational, and inter-organizational), then five enabling conditions to promote the knowledge spiral, and finally a more practical five-phase model of the organizational knowledge creation process, along with actual uses of information technology.
  • 冷戦変容期の国際政治
    村田 晃嗣
    国際政治
    1994年 1994 巻 107 号 115-130,L13
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In early 1977, U. S. President Jimmy Carter announced that U. S. ground combat forces would be carefully withdrawn from South Korea within a few years. His decision, however, was soon faced with strong resistance from the military and Congress. Officially because of a new intelligence estimate on North Korea's military capability, in June 1979, President Carter postponed immplementing his withdrawal plan till after the next presidential election in which he was severely defeated by Ronald Reagan.
    This failed attempt has been often regarded as a typical example of Carter's amateurish diplomacy. History tells us, however, that U. S. defense commitment towards South Korea has frequently fluctuated between the two extremes of intervention and withdrawal. This fluctuation seems to result from a dilemma in U. S. defense commitment towards South Korea: the United States has to provide enough credibility to maintain a favorable military balance in Northeast Asia without being too deeply involved in the defense of South Korea, which is not necessarily of vital interest for the United States.
    It is far from an easy task for Washington to escape from this dilemma. First of all, it is extremely hard to evaluate the strategic value of the Korean Peninsula in the context of U. S. global, regional and local strategies. Secondly, given the relatively decreasing U. S. economic capability and the diversified public opinion on foreign policy, a domestic consensus on a desirable degree of U. S. defense commitment towards South Korea cannot be easily obtained. Thirdly, regardless of changes in international and domestic situations, due to their vested interest in maintaining the U. S. presence in South Korea, the Army and the State Department bureaucracies tend to be opposed to reducing the defense commitment.
    After briefly reviewing the history of U. S. defense commitment towards South Korea, this paper intends to analyze how the Carter Administration tried to overcome the dilemma in U. S. defense commitment toward South Korea but was unsuccessful through the examination of the policy process of its withdrawal plan with available written materials and interviews with key participants.
  • 入子 文子
    アメリカ研究
    2009年 43 巻 1-21
    発行日: 2009/03/25
    公開日: 2021/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    Nathaniel Hawthorne, whose birth day falls on July 4, was, from his boyhood, conscious of the meaning of the independence of his country from England, and naturally he paid sincere respect to the Father of the Independence, George Washington. This is a fact well evidenced in his repeated reference to this great national figure in varieties of his literary writings, including “A Book of Autographs,” though he left no independent works devoted solely to him like M. L. Weems’ The Life of Washington (1806) or Jared Sparks’ Life of George Washington (1837).

    Hawthorne’s attitude towards Washington was by no means tinged with such wholesale hero worship as is typically exemplified by those biographers’ idea of him, namely a flawless military commander and statesman, or by other contemporary writers of his time like William Dunlap. This essay argues that Hawthorne, a man of letters distinguished in the observation of humanity, was perceptive enough to recognize in this great American commander such a hint of “petrified heart” as may be identifiable in the main characters of his fictions, “Ethan Brand” and “The Man of Adamant.”

    As a man of literary and poetic imagination, however, Hawthorne is understood to have been gifted with a sharp and penetrative insight into the true human character of George Washington, and here the auther goes so far as to refer to Hawthorne’s hitherto - unknown interest in the personality of English Vice Admiral Collingwood, who appeared as a significant character in a French novel, Servitude and Grandeur of Arms (1835) by Alfred Vigny. The French novelist, who also had a military career, makes a character or storyteller in the novel respectfully portray the character of this British naval commander, referring to the commander’s individual fortitude as a soldier, “who waged war with a full consciousness of its nature” and selflessness in accepting his command and power and in obeying to his duty to public benefit. More significant than anything else in Vigny’s story is the fact that the spirit of George Washington finds itself referred to as ranking as high as that of the great hero in the novel. It still remain doubtful whether Hawthorne himself read this French novel by Vigny, but it is doubtlessly a fact that Hawthorne had already taken independent interest in Collingwood’s unequalled personality as a naval commander. In my own investigation Hawthorne had already borrowed from an athenium in Salem a volume entitled Selected Letters, Public and Private, of Vice Admiral Collingwood (1829) in 1834, one year before Vigny’s novel in question was published in France, and I also in those days Hawthorne was avidly reading literature related with the American Revolution.

    Collingwood was, according to Vigny, dark eyed and dark browed and gifted with “a look of deep melancholy,” and within him was a “perfect calm,” which signified an inner peace which was the gift from his sense of sacred duty to his home country. From what is said about Collingwood by Vigny may we derive an inestimable key to understanding George Washington’s own personality as a national leader, who was famed for his most brilliant military reputation, beneath which lay a “profound repining” and an “unappeasable sadness” which had characterized Collingwood. What struck Hawthorne most was not Washington as a genuine patriotic hero only, as Sparks assumed him to be, but Washington as a melancholy genius who, having within him a profound attachment for his own deep inner world and his own personal home life, felt it a sacred duty, as a Catholic priest does, to relinquish and abnegate all his own private self for the sake of the happiness of others.

  • 山本 郁男
    ファルマシア
    2017年 53 巻 12 号 1209
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    日本薬学会、有功会員、米国カルフォルニア大学サンフランシスコ(UCSF)薬理学教授、Dr. Eddie Leong Way は、2017年6月12日、100歳で亡くなった。かつて、彼の下で博士研究員として従事した私(山本郁男、北陸大学名誉教授)は、ここに追悼文を書かせて頂く。Dr. E.L. Wayは、中国系アメリカ人で陽性型の慈愛に満ちた温かい教育者である。その研究はモルヒネ(麻薬)の耐性、依存性メカニズム。生涯論文数約400報。彼を知る日本人研究者は多い。彼の御冥福を祈る。
  • 横山 佐紀
    アメリカ研究
    2011年 45 巻 117-135
    発行日: 2011/03/25
    公開日: 2021/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    In the United States, where the federal government is only moderately committed to cultural development, private sector entities function as support groups for cultural affairs. Corporations and foundations are major funding sources for museums. Although private sector money has a direct and sometimes enormous effect on collections, the participation of corporations and foundations in shaping history museum exhibitions and educational programs has been overlooked in museum studies. This article examines this critical and complementary history museum - private sector connection by focusing on the 2000 acquisition process for the George Washington Lansdowne portrait at the National Portrait Gallery. The NPG exhibits the history of the United States through portraits of extraordinary people. As part of the Smithsonian Institute, 60 to 70% of the NPG’s budget comes from the US government and the rest is raised through its own efforts. In other words the NPG is a quasi-governmental entity.

    NPG acquired the Lansdowne portrait with the support of a private foundation. This full-length portrait painted by Gilbert Stuart in 1797 was a gift from a Philadelphian merchant to the Marquis of Lansdowne. It had been on loan to the NPG since the gallery’s opening in 1968. In the fall of 2000, the British owner of the work suddenly announced to the NPG that he would auction the painting unless the gallery purchased it. The NPG made a public appeal, describing the situation to potential donors as a national crisis. As a result, the Nevada-based Donald W. Reynolds Foundation saved the Lansdowne portrait from what they considered to be a patriotic crisis. Through the course of the purchase process, a painting that had been in a foreign collection for two centuries was transformed into a “national icon” and eventually a “national treasure,” revered as an equal to the Declaration of Independence and the Stars and Stripes. This private funding process not only saved the painting, it also altered its status.

    It must also be noted that 9/11 changed the meaning of this portrait. George Washington has been endowed with various qualities through the centuries: he has been seen as everything from demi-god to ordinary father. Then, as symbolized by the fire fighters’ self-sacrificing behavior at Ground Zero, post 9/11 society came to view the Lansdowne Washington portrait as an image of a great self-sacrificing figure who led and saved a young nation.

    As part of the process of receiving the considerable funds needed for the acquisition, the Lansdowne portrait went from being a loaned work displayed among other portraits to a national treasure and representation of patriot self-sacrifice. These changes result from the integrated and complementary collaboration between the NPG and a private foundation, a situation completely unlike the general perception of a hostile relationship between public and private interests. The Lansdowne acquisition case reveals how the private sector is not a mere funding source, but rather is a vital participant in the shaping and interpretation of history at museums.

  • -タイを事例として-
    花岡 伸也, タクシム・ハスナイン, 川崎 智也, ピシェ・クナダムラクス
    運輸政策研究
    2010年 12 巻 4 号 024-031
    発行日: 2010/01/25
    公開日: 2019/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    タイではエネルギー消費量の38%が運輸部門に起因しており,また貨物輸送の92%がトラックによって輸送されている.トラック輸送はCO2排出の主要因の1つであることから,鉄道や水運によるインターモーダル輸送の活用が求められている.本研究では,インターモーダル輸送の活用によるエネルギー節減効果を計測するため,トラックのみ・鉄道インターモーダル・水運インターモーダルの3つの輸送機関の機関分担率を決定変数としたエネルギー消費量最小化モデルを輸送時間と輸送料金を加えた多目的最適化問題として構築した.そして,タイのバンコク-ハジャイ間の貨物輸送をケーススタディとしてエネルギー節減効果を計測し,モデルの有効性を検討した.

  • 久田 由佳子
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 2 号 250-251
    発行日: 2006/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ──モダン・パジェント『ジョージ・ワシントンと黒人』(一九三二)を中心に──
    松田 智穂子
    演劇学論集 日本演劇学会紀要
    2021年 73 巻 57-72
    発行日: 2021/12/15
    公開日: 2021/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    W.E.B. DuBois (1868-1963) was a historian, sociologist, and one of the greatest black civil rights activists in the twentieth-century US. Of his enormous body of work, two historical pageants—The Star of Ethiopia (1913) and George Washington and Black Folk (1932)—have attracted little attention from researchers. Yet, rather than to just take advantage of the boom in popularity of historical pageantry in the US between the 1900s and the early 1940s, DuBois employed this theatrical form particularly as a cultural and artistic conveyer to visualize his thoughts concerning social upliftment and dispelling “double-consciousness.” This paper first explains the nationalistic characteristics of this theatrical genre and its affinity with the black movement. It then discusses that DuBois made the most of historical pageantry to realize his idea of social upliftment, involving both black and white citizens. His first pageant, The Star of Ethiopia, shows DuBois made the most of historical pageantry to convey his strong messages only to the black citizens, but not the white. However, in the second pageant, George Washington and Black Folk, he elaborately set devices to attract white citizens. Yet, as his true goal still lies in conveying strong nationalistic messages to his people, he slips in impressive episodes concerning achievements of black characters, including Crispus Attucks and Toussaint Louverture, into the existing white-centric American history. Approaching these pageants from the viewpoint of theatrical studies will cast light on the fact that DuBois adapted his racial strategy into pageantry, which was extremely popular among the white Americans then, as well as his desperate search for realizing social upliftment through theater.

  • 長谷 敦子
    蘇生
    2021年 40 巻 3 号 200b
    発行日: 2021/10/08
    公開日: 2021/12/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 冨中 悟史
    Electrochemistry
    2007年 75 巻 12 号 998a
    発行日: 2007/12/05
    公開日: 2012/03/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アレクザンダー ジェフリー
    情報管理
    1997年 40 巻 1 号 73-75
    発行日: 1997年
    公開日: 2001/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 勝
    日本風工学会誌
    2003年 2003 巻 96 号 3-5
    発行日: 2003/07/31
    公開日: 2010/06/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • YO
    ドクメンテーション研究
    1972年 22 巻 6 号 208-
    発行日: 1972/06/01
    公開日: 2017/10/26
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 中嶋 啓雄
    アメリカ研究
    2009年 43 巻 23-42
    発行日: 2009/03/25
    公開日: 2021/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    As the United States fought the War with Iraq under the administration of George W. Bush, there emerged a heated discussion on the nature of the American presidency. Some even speak of the arrival of “the new imperial presidency.” Yet the nature of the American presidency, especially its powers concerning foreign policy, is still unclear.

    This essay delineates the contours of presidential foreign policy concentrating on the first successive administrations, i.e., those from George Washington to John Quincy Adams, because their foreign policy can be construed as an archetype. In doing so, this writer attempts to demonstrate the framework under which the modern presidents of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have pursued their foreign policy.

    On the subject of the first successive administrations, Ralph Ketcham’s Presidents above Party is a penetrating intellectual history. Although acknowledging his interpretations of the presidency as a whole, this essay focuses on foreign policy under the first six presidents.

    First, the origins of the foreign policy powers of the American president and how the Federalist administrations of George Washington and John Adams actually confronted international issues are discussed. In the young republic, the partisan battles between Federalists and Republicans were closely connected with the Anglo-French rivalry. All in all, however, Washington and Adams contributed to the establishment of an independent executive by forging bipartisanship in foreign policy.

    Second, this essay deals with the administrations of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. The Jefferson administration provides the first example of how the presidency can display strong leadership. Following the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, Jefferson’s power was at its zenith. The subsequent Madison administration fought the War of 1812, the first foreign war since the founding of the United States. In starting the war with England, Madison cooperated with Congress, holder of the power to declare war. But by the end of his term, he barely retained the leadership role he had inherited from his predecessor because predicaments from “Mr. Madison’s War,” such as the burning of Washington, were humiliating to the nation’s honor.

    Third, the relationship between the President and Congress under the administrations of James Monroe and John Quincy Adams is discussed. During this period, Congress increased its power under the leadership of Speaker of the House Henry Clay. Thus Congress was able to influence the Monroe administration’s recognition policy toward the new Latin American republics. After the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, Congress also influenced the course of foreign policy under the Adams administration.

    In conclusion, the bipartisanship in foreign policy, the strength of presidential leadership, and the rise of Congressional power seen under the first presidencies were the harbingers of the foreign policy role of the modern presidency. The bipartisan Vandenberg resolution of 1948, Woodrow Wilson’s leadership in the United States’ entry into World War I, and the resurgence of Congress after Watergate all testify to it. In this sense, the foreign policy of the first successive administrations was the archetype for that of the American presidency.

  • 香川 宏介, 玉川 奨, 山口 高平
    人工知能学会第二種研究会資料
    2013年 2013 巻 SWO-031 号 04-
    発行日: 2013/12/18
    公開日: 2021/09/17
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    日本語Wikipediaのアンカーリンク、リダイレクトリンクからsameAsリンクを抽出することで日本語Wikipediaオントロジーを拡張する.

  • 二羽 淳一郎
    コンクリート工学
    2015年 53 巻 4 号 375
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2016/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 2010 年度全国大会国際シンポジウムより
    唐 亮
    アジア研究
    2011年 57 巻 1 号 1-2
    発行日: 2011/01/31
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長谷川 明, 木曽 真
    日本農芸化学会誌
    1997年 71 巻 2 号 161-162
    発行日: 1997/02/01
    公開日: 2009/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 秀政
    日本機械学会誌
    1960年 63 巻 499 号 1091-
    発行日: 1960/08/05
    公開日: 2017/06/21
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 岡部 高弘
    信州医学雑誌
    2008年 56 巻 5 号 331
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2010/10/18
    ジャーナル フリー
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