The objective of this study was to consider stances of ulama on modern state and control over shari‘ah interpretation by the Malaysian government. This study analyzed materials on kafir （infidel） declaration including fatwas in Malaysia in the 1980s. The main focus of the study was discourses by Parti Islam SeMalaysia （PAS） or Islamic Party of Malaysia and contradictions by the government. PAS was founded by ulama in the Malay Peninsula in the 1950s. PAS played a role as a political platform of ulama to confront with the government. In the former half of the 1980s PAS attacked the government for its secular − or infidel − characteristics. In this period the conflict between ulama and the government was most fierce in the Malaysian history.

When PAS declared the Malaysian government to be infidel, the government competed by issuing fatwas by official muftis. In Malaysia there are enactments to regulate issuance of fatwa. Issuance of fatwa is monopolized by official Fatwa Committees under Majlis Agama Islam or Islamic religious Council in each state. After an official fatwa is published in a gazette, the fatwa becomes binding. All Muslims in the state must follow it. Actions or discourse against the gazetted fatwa are penalized according to the enactments. Such state control on fatwa is very rare in the history of the Muslim world.

Although the government attempted to regulate kafir declaration by PAS, the confrontation escalated and an armed conflict broke out in 1985. In Memali, state of Kedah, a PAS leader called Ibrahim Libya was swooped by security force. Ibrahim was known by his judgment against the “infidel” government. As a result of the conflict, Ibrahim himself and his 14 followers were killed. After the incident, the way of burial for victims became an issue between PAS and the government. PAS tried to mobilize ulama in Majlis Agama in Kedah, and attempted to obtain an official fatwa to bury victims as martyrs. The burial as martyrs meant that Ibrahim’s death was the result of legitimate uprising against the infidel government. However, PAS failed in the attempt. The attempt by PAS reflected ambivalent stance on the state control on fatwa. Although the fatwa control is a regulation on shari‘ah interpretation by ulama, it is also an opportunity for ulama to utilize state power to influence on the Muslim society.

The state control on fatwa was a part of the nationalization of Islamic affairs by the Malaysian government. Because of such nationalization policies, the authority of ulama declined in long term. Ulama were involved in bureaucracy and lost their own voices as teachers, scholars, and muftis. PAS can be considered as an attempt by ulama to retain their authority as shari‘ah interpreter through a political platform. However, state power was fascinating and even PAS was not necessarily against the nationalization of Islamic affairs. The controversy on kafir declaration and fatwa showed the dilemma of ulama between shari‘ah and the state.

【目的】本研究では，マレーシアにおける大学生の食生活や飲料摂取状況の現状を把握し，その特徴について明らかにすることを目的とした。

【方法】マレー半島の

【結果】食生活調査では，対象者全体で，運動と健康との関わりや食生活の大切さについては理解しているが，砂糖摂取量に関する知識は乏しいことが分かった。砂糖摂取に関するセルフ・エフィカシーが低い傾向がみられた。また，朝食の欠食が昼食や夕食よりも多かった。女性は，砂糖摂取についての意識や栄養教育ワークショップへの関心も高く，男性は，運動について興味を持ち積極的に行っている傾向がみられた。飲料摂取調査では対象者全体で，水の摂取頻度が高かった。また，紅茶（コンデンスミルク入り，砂糖入り），麦芽飲料などのsugar-sweetened beverage（SSB）の摂取頻度が高い一方で，砂糖なしの紅茶やコーヒーの摂取頻度が低かった。女性は，男性より砂糖なしの飲料の摂取頻度が低かった。

【結論】対象大学生における砂糖摂取量及びSSBの摂取頻度に係る課題が明らかになった。

This paper aims to analyze the changes in the spatial industrial structure from 1970 to 1990 and discuss its implications on economic disparities among states and development policies in Malaysia. It was found that, in spite of the efforts of the Malaysian government to reduce the states' economic disparity, the economic gap among state has been increasing in the process of industrialization. One of the factors causing the widening economic gap was the concentration of high-productivity industries in some states.

The analysis is mainly based on the decomposition of inequality index and the data mainly used is the population censuses conducted in 1970, 80 and 91 and various issues of Malaysia Plan. Based on the analysis it is shown that, though Malaysia has succeeded in relocating labor-intensive and low-productivity industrial sectors from the developed states such as Selangor, Penang and Johore to less developed regions, its equalizing impact was not enough to dominate the inequalizing impact of the concentration of modern-technology and high-productivity activities to the former. Large part of the productivity gap can attributed to two industries, as agriculture and manufacturing. The former factor has decreased by the various projects to less developed areas in 1970 s though it returned to deterioration in 1980 s, and the latter factor was never improved during the period at all. So we must say that NEP was not successful to eliminate the gap between states despite its well-known characteristics of policy-led equalization.

Malaysian experiences show how it is difficult for governments to redress the economic gaps among states. The results of this paper will contribute to profound understanding of economic development and income inequality in developing countries.