新型コロナウイルスCOVID-19による疾患の世界的流行は，世界中で人々の行動に大きな変化をもたらした. その背景下，国内外の動物園や水族館も第二次世界大戦後において前例のない苦難に直面した。本研究では，動物園や水族館に足を運んだ来園者が，飼育動物を直接観察したり，園内リソースを活用したりして学ぶという様式での教育活動を実践できないという状況下において，国内外の動物園や水族館が発信している情報を調べた. その結果，国内外の動物園・水族館協会がCOVID-19に言及しながら，来園せずにICTを活用して利用可能な教育リソースについてとりまとめていること，日本国内でも複数のSNS，ライブカメラ映像等が活用可能な教材として示されていることがわかった.

2018年時点で，世界で62ヵ国が飲食店等すべて法規制により屋内全面禁煙を施行している．日本は2020年 4 月 1 日から「健康増進法の一部を改正する法律」が全面施行され，第二種施設である飲食店を含むサービス産業は原則屋内禁煙とされたが，一方で喫煙専用室，飲食可能の加熱式たばこ専用の喫煙室の設置が認められた．特に，全体の55％を占める既存の経営規模の小さな飲食店（「資本金5,000万円以下」かつ「客席面積100㎡以下」）は経過措置として「喫煙可」を選択できる緩やかな規制となっている．

諸外国のように屋内全面禁煙の法規制が施行されなかったのは，レストラン，バーなどのサービス産業にマイナスの経済影響が発生する，という懸念が阻害要因となっていたからである．

2009年のIARCがん予防ハンドブック第13巻「屋内施設の全面禁煙化の評価」は86論文のシステムレビューを行い，“レストラン，バーを法律で全面禁煙にしても減収なし”と結論した．本稿では，2009年以後に報告された屋内の禁煙化と経済影響に関する論文を追加し，経済指標（営業収入・課税額，雇用者数，店舗数）についてレストラン，バー・居酒屋，宿泊業などの業種別に検討した結果，全面禁煙化によるマイナスの経済影響は認められなかった．

諸外国のようにすべての施設を屋内全面禁煙とする法改正が必要である．

    Gentrification is said to be the return of the middle class to the city. Neil Smith suggests, however, that gentrification is not to be seen simply as a “return” but also as a form of “class struggle.” This paper examines the process of gentrification and the antigentrification movement in the Lower East Side of New York City. It maintains that this struggle should be seen as a struggle over the urban commons and therefore as a contemporary manifestation of primitive accumulation. Considering (anti-)gentrification as a “class struggle” or as a value struggle in the context of the global city, it shows that gentrification is a necessarily unsettling and unstable process.

This paper reviews studies focused on the economic and social restructuring of cities in developed countries in the 2000s (2000-2009) from the viewpoint of economic geography. Drawing on critical examinations of the global cities thesis and the creative class thesis by Saskia Sassen and Richard Florida, respectively, the author points out the following four features of urban restructuring during the decade.

First, urban spaces that contain land and buildings have gradually been incorporated in global financial capitalism. In other words, they have become financial products that have been traded beyond local and national borders, which caused a growth in financial business and a rapid rise in housing prices and rent prior to the financial crisis. The surge of financial capitalism in the 2000s has had a tendency to destabilize urban spaces and the lives of the residents in these areas.

Second, neo-liberal policy movements have emphasized intensifying intercity competition and the rise of urban entrepreneurialism. City governments increasingly tend to pay more attention to attracting mobile capital, and neglect social policy for city residents, who are relatively immobile.

Third, according to Sassen, global cities are characterized by the economic and social polarization of urban residents. In the 2000s, many Japanese writers and researchers discussed the fact that Japan had been converted into a gap-widening society. The increasing job insecurity of younger workers is suggested as a cause of the widening of the income gap. In particular, some critics perceive the suburbs as a problem, partly because irregular and low-paid employment is often a feature of these regions. In addition, this decade has witnessed an increase in the regional disparity between Tokyo and the rest of Japan.

Fourth, the intercity competition for attracting highly skilled talents has been accelerated in the 2000s. Richard Florida insists that attracting the creative class is fundamental to urban development. He suggests that diversity, openness, and tolerance are magnets that attract the creative class. Although his view has drawn the attention of local politicians and policymakers, a considerable number of scholars criticized it for several reasons. One of these criticisms is that urban development can be better explained in terms of locations that offer job opportunities rather than the residential preferences of people or urban amenities. Another criticism is that urban policies based on Florida’s view possibly deepen the social divide between the creative class and the rest of the population. We have to recognize the importance of job creation in production activities throughout the production chains in order to prevent the deepening of the social divide in urban societies.

This article explores the background of patriotism which the construction workers in New York City clearly showed in 1970. They have been regarded as conservative by many previous studies. The reason for this is the “Hardhat Riot,” which happened in NYC in May, 1970. Hundreds of construction workers wearing hardhats attacked anti-Vietnam War protesters around Wall Street violently, chanting patriotic slogans. It is true that they were conservative politically but very little has been discussed about why they identified themselves as patriots then and what kinds of changes in their lives alienated them. This article focuses on their everyday lives and tries to elucidate the relationship between their daily lives and the patriotism they displayed.

When the “Hardhat Riot” occurred, many construction workers had been organized by the unions belonging to the Building and Construction Trades Council of Greater New York (BCTC). Every union had an original program for apprentices. To be an apprentice, having a father or relative who was a union member was an essential membership requirement. Consequently, membership was restricted and most of the members were white men from specific immigrant groups.

Having exclusively skilled workers had contributed to the unions’ negotiating power with contractors and had brought higher wages and stable employment

to the unions, so that they could establish substantial compensation

systems and insurance schemes, and scholarships for members. The bonds of

solidarity and camaraderie between the unions and the members had become

stronger in daily life. From the 1950s to the early 1960s the BCTC was at the

height of their power.

However, it was in the 1960s that the civil rights organizations started to

vehemently criticize the construction unions for discriminatory employment

practices. This criticism caused to the BCTC serious problems. Moreover, at

that time, the new technology of prefabrication started to be used on construction sites. This method of construction cut the costs and made many skilled workers redundant. The power these workers had enjoyed began to be challenged.

In this very situation, the anti-Vietnam War movement was gaining momentum and it came as a surprise to the construction workers. They were not only drafted more easily than students but could not evade military service in the way that many college students could. In reality the unions had many veterans and members who were serving as soldiers in Vietnam. Naturally, their discontent increased further.

Although the Nixon administration had announced the “Philadelphia Plan,” which required construction unions to establish a goal for minority employees, it approached the BCTC to get their political support for Nixon’s reelection. The BCTC tried to compromise with the Nixon administration despite having many problems with Nixon.

Clearly, the construction workers were not simple patriots. Their patriotism showed how complicated and ambivalent their feelings were at this time. They personally identified themselves as patriots to protect the order, values and the boundaries they had held when threatened by others.