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  • 渡邊 慎平, 芦田 祐子, 吉川 真一
    オレオサイエンス
    2021年 21 巻 7 号 275-282
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/07/02
    ジャーナル フリー

    チョコレートの製造後の保存期間中に発生するファットブルームは,チョコレートの表面だけでなく内部のテクスチャーにも不均一化をもたらし,口溶けや風味などの品質を劣化させる。その発現の詳細は,チョコレートの構造や使用されるチョコレート油脂によって多様に変化し,その制御はチョコレート製造技術における極めて重要なテーマである。本稿ではファットブルームの基本的な形成メカニズムとその測定法を概説したうえで,筆者たちが最近解明した反射型レーザー顕微鏡を用いたファットブルーム測定法と,ココアバター代用脂を用いたチョコレートのファットブルームの防止法について考察する。

  • プレブル
    ジェイソン, ヴィンセノ クリスチャン, 大手 信人
    自然保護助成基金助成成果報告書
    2020年 28 巻 98-104
    発行日: 2020/01/10
    公開日: 2020/01/10
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    本調査の目的は,沖縄本島に生息するヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリとリュウキュウテングコウモリの保護に関する生態を解明することであった.2017年秋季から2018年夏季に計6回,人工的に作成したコウモリのソーシャルコールを音響ルアーとして利用し,捕獲調査を行った.リュウキュウテングコウモリに対しては,音響ルアーは捕獲率を上げたが,その有効率は季節によった.ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリの捕獲を,沖縄本島では,22年ぶりに報告した.捕獲に際して音響ルアーを用いたが,その効果は不明である.さらに,コウモリにとってねぐらは重要な生息地であるため,発信機をコウモリに装着し,ねぐらを確認した.リュウキュウテングコウモリは木の葉,シダ類,樹洞を含む様々な種類のねぐらを利用し,ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリは主に樹洞を利用している.沖縄本島ではヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリはリュウキュウテングコウモリより分布域が限られている可能性がある.これらの対象種の生態情報を解明,さらに保護計画を策定するためにさらなる研究が必要である.

  • プレブル
    ジェイソン, ヴィンセノ クリスティアン, 大手 信人
    自然保護助成基金助成成果報告書
    2020年 29 巻 231-237
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/09/29
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    本研究の目標はリュウキュウテングコウモリとヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリの生態を解明して,保護計画につなげることである.そのため,1.VHF追跡調査によってねぐらに重要な生息地を確かめる,2.自動録音装置を利用して,国頭村における分布を解明する,3.遺伝子メタバーコーディング法を用いて各種の食性を確認することとした.2年間でリュウキュウテングコウモリ67頭,ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリ18頭を捕獲し,それぞれ17頭,6頭を追跡できた.リュウキュウテングコウモリは様々な植物,主に下層植物の枯葉,をねぐらとして利用した.ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリは川沿いの樹洞をねぐらとして強く好むようである.自動録音装置調査からリュウキュウテングコウモリは森林内に広く分布しており,ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリはより珍しいため森林内の川沿いでしか確認できなかった.ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリ生息地要件の解明には更なる研究が必要である.糞解析は全て終えていないが,現時点で,やんばるに生息する小型コウモリ4種は多様な節足動物を採餌することが解っている.今後は,「リュウキュウテングコウモリは植物や地面の上の節足動物を採餌し,ヤンバルホオヒゲコウモリは川上に飛んでいる昆虫を採餌している」という仮説を検証する.重要な生息地である高齢林や川沿いの森林を保全し,下層植物の除去を避けて,出産・哺育期(特に4~7月)の伐採は避けるべきであると考えられる.

  • 川崎 近太郎, 可兒 利朗
    ビタミン
    1948年 1 巻 2 号 84-85
    発行日: 1948年
    公開日: 2017/12/15
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 園田 健二
    英学史研究
    1989年 1990 巻 22 号 33-45
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In W. S. Lewis and N. Murakami's Ranald MacDonald such names as Sherrei Tachachien (Shirai Tatsunoshin), Wirriamra Saxtuero (Uemura Sakuhichiro), Obigue (Ido Tsushimano-kami), Murayama Yeanoske (Moriyama Einosuke) and the descriptions of them appear in Chapters 11 and
    12
    . But in the same book, we see their names and the descriptions of them again in Chapter 17, the last chapter : we read approximately the same thing twice in the book. Why did the editors of the book do such a thing? The fact is that Malcolm McLeod wrote Chapters 11 and
    12
    in 1857, making use of both the memos MacDonald gave him and what MacDonald told him when he visited McLeod in Ottawa in 1853. Yet in later years when the two resumed correspondence, McLeod, thinking that what he described in Chapters 11 and
    12
    might be a little simple, asked MacDonald to write him what he had forgotten to tell and what he wanted to tell about his old friends in Japan. The letter is now extant and we can see which parts of the letter McLeod and the later editors tried to publish and which parts of it they tried to eliminate.
    There are also other parts Lewis and Murakami did not publish in their book, although these parts appear in McLeod's manuscripts. Oda Junichiro's letter to McLeod dated October 13th, 1888 and a part of Oda's conversation with McLeod about settlement in Canada are among them. Probably they did not interest Lewis and Murakami and they had to eliminate these parts.
  • 小川 俊太郎, 河内 敬朝, 塚本 秀子
    ビタミン
    1950年 2 巻 6 号 241-242
    発行日: 1950/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石原 千里
    英学史研究
    1990年 1991 巻 23 号 57-82
    発行日: 1990年
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ranald MacDonald (1824-1894) who got into Japan in 1848, when the doors of the country were closed to foreign countries, taught English to Japanese Dutch interpreters at Nagasaki for about 6 months, while he was imprisoned there. The names of the 14 students in his list have been identified. Their ages raged from 16 to 73, and their ranks as interpreter varied from the lowest to the highest. They were from families engaged in the hereditary occupation for about 200 years by that year. A few of them had already possessed certain knowledge of English. Moriyama was an interpreter on the occasion of Capt. Mercator Cooper's visit to Japan in 1845, when he translated Government orders to the Captain into English, and Uemura was one of the Dutch interpreters who started to study English under the Government orders in 1809, having Yan Cock Blomhoff at Dutch factory as their teacher of English, who, in the strict sense, was Japan's first teacher of English. Fathers or grandfathers of most of MacDonald's students were Blomhoff's students. The significance of MacDonald's English teaching was that it was by the first English teacher whose native language was English, and that it firmly took root in this country. In September 1850, about 18 months after the departure of MacDonald from Japan, all the Dutch interpreters were ordered to study English and Russian languages, and to compile an English-Japanese dictionary. Moriyama was one of the two responsible for this project. Unfortunately, the dictionary was unfinished after completion of 7 volumes on A and B, because the interpreters become too busy to continue compiling another, being forced to be involved in the negotiations of Japan with foreign countries after the visits of Perry and Putyatin in 1853. However, the knowledge of English taught by MacDonald was shared among their colleagues during the period of about 3 years' learning, and not only his students but also those who learned from them made great contributions to the civilization of Japan, by devoting themselves in their work, teaching English, and transmitting western culture.
  • 長谷川 誠一
    英学史研究
    1981年 1982 巻 14 号 63-71
    発行日: 1981年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ranald MacDonald came into Japan in 1848 during the Tokugawa Era while she was closed to the foreign countries, in order to know Japan and to teach English to the Japanese. He came ashore first on Yagishiri Island and then on Rishiri Island, but as he was soon caught and imprisoned in Eramachi, he could not attain his purpose in Yezo (now Hokkaido). Later he was sent to Nagasaki and then back to America in 1849.
    While he was in Nagasaki, he got the chance of teaching English to 14 Japanese interpreters. Their names were written down in “Ranald MacDonald” edited by William S. Lewis and Naojiro Murakami, and were confirmed except the 11th student. The name of the 11th student was “Inderego Horn” and its Japanese name was reported differently. “Hori Ichiro”, “Hor Tatsnoskay” or “Inabe Teijiro” was thought to be “Inderego Horn”; but not yet confirmed.
    But recently “Inderego Horn” was found to be the misspelling of “Judgero Hory” by Mr. Tomita, and I began to study according to this discovery. I looked into the List of the Japanese interpreters in 1847 and found the name of “Hori Jujiro” between the 10th and the
    12
    th student; and I was deeply convinced that “Hori Jujiro” was the same person as “Judgero Hory”, the 11th student of Ranald MacDonald.
    He later changed his name to “Hori Denzo”, came to Hakodate as an interpreter there for a short period, and returned to Nagasaki; but his later career was yet unknown. I sincerely wish to know his whole career.
  • ─ジャパン・グラウンドを中心として─
    木村 美智子
    法政論叢
    2018年 54 巻 1 号 19-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 飯坂 義治
    日本印刷学会論文集
    1975年 15 巻 3 号 48-50
    発行日: 1975/05/20
    公開日: 2010/09/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 家事と衛生
    1943年 19 巻 7 号 11-19
    発行日: 1943/07/01
    公開日: 2010/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 環太平洋国際関係史のイメージ
    三輪 公忠
    国際政治
    1993年 1993 巻 102 号 1-21,L5
    発行日: 1993/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Matthew Calbraith Perry visited Japan twice, in July 1853 and the early spring of the following year. On the first visit he successfully delivered President Filmore's letter addressed to the Emperor of Japan to the Shogun's representatives at Kurihama on the 14th of July. Along with the Presidential communication asking for the opening of Japan, Perry presented his own “three” letters addressed to the Emperor of Japan. But according to the Japanese sources, Dai Nihon ko monjo available since 1910 in a published form (Tokyo University Press), there was a “fourth” letter handed presumably on the same day to the Bakufu officials along with “two” white flags. The letter explained that in case of war between the United States and Japan, Japan was bound to be defeated. “Then Japan should ask for peace by hoisting the flags.”
    Curiously enough, this piece of document has never been seriously considered in the historiography of U. S. -Japanese relations. Even at the height of the anti-American campaign of the post-Pearl Harbor years during the Pacific War, that intimidating letter of Perry's was never mentioned in Japanese literature. A natural question arises: How did this happen? One obvious reason, as was discovered in the course of research for this essay, was attributable to Perry himself. He destroyed it from all American sources to keep his record clean from having deviated from the President's explicit instructions not to resort to hostile actions as the mission was for friendly relations.
    No mention had ever been made of the letter and the flags in American literature until a partial exception was made by Peter Booth Wiley in 1990 based on an English translation from the Japanese documents noted above. The Japanese scholars who assumed that all the primary sources were apparently to be found in the United States duplicated the American writers' mistakes. Still it does not seem fully to answer the question why the Japanese writers, among them especially the specialists in American diplomacy toward Japan, had not become aware of the existence of the document in two versions of Japanese translation in a published form since 1910.
    There are many conceivable reasons. But one outstanding cause which this essay explores concerns Inazo Nitobe. In his virgin book, The Intercourse between The United States and Japan: A Historical Sketch (The Johns Hopkins University, 1891), he came close enough to disclosing the threatening letter of Perry's but refrained from doing so. He presented even a Japanese document which had an explicit reference to the “white flags, ” but from his abridged English translation, Nitobe chose to drop the reference even by distorting the meaning of the paragraph. In his mind U. S. -Japanese relations were much too precious to be adversely affected by the reminder of such an episode. His students of American studies at the Imperial University of Tokyo in the 1910's and their students after them must have accepted it as a tradition.
    It is indeed proverbial that while Perry destroyed a historical document for the preservation of his own honor and his illustrious family's record in U. S. history, Nitobe and his students kept it away from public knowledge for the sake of Japan's smooth passage into a “civilized and enlightened” modern nation in friendship and “mutual understanding” with the American nation.
  • 森 悟
    英学史研究
    1989年 1989 巻 21 号 77-90
    発行日: 1988/10/01
    公開日: 2010/08/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the middle of the 19th century, Commodore Perry forced Japan to open this country for intercourse. At that time, we had no interpreters of English, and Oranda Tsuuji (interpreters of Dutch) played an important role. Studies of the Tsuujis have been carried on rather brilliantly, but we do not have much documents about Moriyama Einosuke (_??__??__??__??__??_).
    In this paper, I would like to throw a light on his life, referring to the following points:
    1. Dutch Learning
    2. English Learning
    3. Aspects as an Interpreter
    4. English Ability
    5. Dutch Ability
    6. Lineage
    7. Promotion
    8. Character
  • 園田 健二
    英学史研究
    1990年 1991 巻 23 号 83-97
    発行日: 1990年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since MacDonald was first introduced here in Japan, it has been said over and over again that he was born on February 3, 1824. It is no doubt that he was born in 1824, but it is highly doubtful whether he was born on February 3. Though much evidence suggests that he was not born on February 3, the most persuasive seems to be the deposition he gave to Commander Glynn and other high-ranking officials on board the Preble on April 30, 1849 after the warship left Nagasaki Harbor. He said to them, “I was born at Astoria, in Oregon; I am twenty-four years of age....” If he had been born on February 3, he should naturally have said then and there that he was twenty-five., That he did not say so confirms the fact that he was born in May or June, and not on February 3.
    Then why did he choose the date February 3 as his birthday? It is because he came to know, perhaps later in life, that Horace Greeley, an American journalist, whom he seems to have respected, had been born on the day. His choice of the date shows nothing but his vanity. And at the same time, it is interesting to note in connection with his birthday that his father, Archibald McDonald, had also been born on February 3. But it seems that McDonald did not know about his father's birthday.
    It has also been said again and again that McDonald died on August 5, 1894. Yet one cannot accept this to the letter, for there is an obituary notice that he died on August 24, and not on August 5. The obituary was written just when he died and just where he died. His half brother also said that he died on August 24. And even now, in his home state Washington, there sometimes appear newspaper reports that he died on August 24. Then, when did he die? On August 5 or on August 24?
    In the Eastern Washington State Historical Society at Spokane in Washington, there is an affidavit that tells the exact location where McDonald was buried after he died. The affidavit bears the signature of Jennie Lynch, MacDonald's niece. It should be remembered that she is said to be the very woman in whose arms he breathed his last. She is testifying here that MacDonald was buried on August 7, which means that MacDonald died probably around August 5. Since she is the only woman that knew at first hand the circumstances in which he died, one cannot but conclude that MacDonald died on August 5. But even then, some mystery still seems to remain.
  • 本村 育恵
    沖縄史料編集紀要
    2020年 43 巻 13-28
    発行日: 2020/03/19
    公開日: 2022/10/24
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 石田 由希
    英米文化
    2019年 49 巻 63-78
    発行日: 2019/03/31
    公開日: 2019/09/11
    ジャーナル フリー

    4.48 Psychosis (2000) by Sarah Kane explores the inner space of a psychologically disturbed narrator. Numerous directors around the world have staged this postdramatic play in completely different ways, as this piece lacks headings and reference to time and place. We cannot determine the number of characters, their names, and where or when it is set. Yet, some of its major enactments opted for a claustrophobic monologue by a female mental patient.

    The purpose of the present article is to clarify and examine two main features of one of the recent productions of 4.48 Psychosis in Hamburg, Germany in 2017. The first aspect considered is its theatrical minimalism: what the audience witnesses is nothing but an actress on a pitch-dark stage, whose fourth wall is surrounded with a fluorescent-light frame. The other element analyzed is, paradoxically, the specificity of the setting: with innovative sound effects and lightings, this production vividly portrays the heroine soliloquizing in and walking around a city at night in search of a place to commit suicide.

    Particularly striking is the manner in which this open-air setting can be contrasted with the closed mind of the protagonist. Although she physically ranges over a long distance in the narrative, her mind and lines are largely filled with painful experiences from her past stay in a mental hospital. One may, therefore, say that the Hamburg Enactment metaphorically depicts her sense of entrapment in this specific memory by situating this walker within the dark interior confines of the framed stage box.

  • 発音と表記の関係から方言語彙をさぐる
    河元 由美子
    英学史研究
    1997年 1998 巻 30 号 151-168
    発行日: 1997年
    公開日: 2010/05/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Glossary of English and Japanese Words' written by Ranald MacDonald (1824 -1894) contains a few words peculiar to the dialects of Northeastern Japan and those of Kyushu. About the Kyushu dialect, there have been comments by numbers of scholars, however, about the Northeastern dialect, no one but Dr. Yoshio Yoshimachi, has ever suggested the existence of Northeastern dialect in the MacDonald's 'Glossary'.
    This paper attempts to find out some phonological regularities in descriptions in the vocabulary of the 'Glossary' and determine the words in questions whether they are dialectal words or not, referring to the phonological characteristics observed in both dialects at present.
    Regarding the fact that MacDonald had been captured in Ezo, the present Hokkaido, for almost 3 months before being sent to Nagasaki, he must have heard the Japanese language spoken in that area. His first Japanese informant, Tangaro, is likely to be a temporary employee of the guard house in Rishiri Island, then under the control of the Soya Headquaters of the Bakufu. The history of the Northern Japan tells that there were numbers of military people despatched from northern parts of Honshu to Ezo to defend the land and the people from the Russian intrusion; besides them, many fishermen and farmers also crossed the Tsugaru Straits seeking the temporary jobs. Tangaro must have been one of them.
    This paper includes on the result of the interview check with the native speakers of the two representative cities, Aomori and Nagasaki, in order to check if the people there accept or approve of the words in questions in the MacDonld's 'Glossary' as their dialects. Also, other Word Lists written by foreign scholars such as Thumberg, Curtius, Sansom are refered to, to observe how they describe the Japanese dialectal words in their works.
  • 李 美花
    アジア経営研究
    2008年 14 巻 229-240
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2019/01/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • BBCの事例から
    税所 玲子
    放送研究と調査
    2021年 71 巻 8 号 32-46
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/09/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
    新型コロナウイルスの感染拡大の中で、偽情報・誤情報の広がりが喫緊の課題として認識される中、世界の公共放送の代表格といわれるイギリスBBCは、「信頼できる確かな情報の担い手」として、自らの役割と価値を改めて打ち出そうとしている。 本稿は、その取り組みの最優先策として挙げられた「不偏不党の徹底」に焦点をあて、その理念がどのように放送で実践されてきたのか、その変遷を概観した。スエズ危機やフォークランド紛争など、時として権力と激しく対立しながら模索してきたそのアプローチは、デジタル化と多民族化が進む中で、「シーソーのようにバランスをとる」ことから、「多種多様な価値を反映」させるべく、「正確性、バランス、文脈、公平・公正、客観性など」が合わさった多様なものであるべきだとの認識へと進化を遂げる。そして、戦後最大の外交政策の転換と言われるEU離脱によって政治社会が分断し、対立感情があらわになりやすい雰囲気が広がる中で、左右からの批判にさらされたBBCは、再び変革を迫られる。本稿では最後に、これまで視聴者とのエンゲージメントの手段としてきた取材者のSNS発信を制限するなど、新たな実践の形を模索する姿を紹介する。
  • 北村 勇
    アメリカ研究
    1972年 1972 巻 6 号 137-156
    発行日: 1972/03/31
    公開日: 2010/09/28
    ジャーナル フリー
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