戦後日本政治の特徴とされる個人後援会は，戦前期に源流を有したことが事例研究により明らかになっている。ただし，戦前期に後援会がどの地域にどの程度存在したのかが十分検討されていないため，個々の事例研究の位置づけが難しい。そこで本論では，1927年12 月作成の内務省警保局資料を用いて，戦前期後援会の全国分布を量的に示した。その結果，全選挙区の約４割に後援会があり，戦後と同様に都市部に後援会が設立される傾向があった一方，後援会が普及していない地域もあるなど地域差があったこと等を指摘した。加えて京都府を事例に，27年以降も後援会が増加し続けたことを明らかにし，全国でも同様の傾向にあったろうという推論を示した。あわせて，普選法以前に多くの後援会が設立された愛知県名古屋市を事例に，政治対立や選挙に起因する有権者の政治熱の高まりが後援会設立の要因であったと論じた。

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 With the help of old documents and records, I investigated the houses where shogunal inspectors and their attendants stayed, where the occupation Bashaku or Kaisendoiya have in coastal district of Echizen from Enkyo to Tenpho period.
 The houses were made a set of the honjin and the one or two shitayado. The honjin was attached conditions to the first room of toilet and bath, second room, third room, forth room, and two toilet, bath, shikidai, mon, kagodai, and two bannsho of the face and the tailes, kuchi-domebansyo, and nitsukekoya. The shitayado was attached conditions two or three rooms and two toilet and two bath. The wall, floor, shoji, fusuma were repaired, and toilet and bath were made temporary in some houses.

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日露戦後から第一次大戦期にかけての帝国議会周辺では，若者による活発な政治運動が展開された（本稿では，それを「院外青年」運動と呼んだ）。本稿は，この「院外青年」運動及び同運動出身代議士と選挙とのかかわりについて，鈴木正吾と西岡竹次郎を事例として，長期的な観点から検討した。また，そこに，普選・中選挙区制度下における 「小英雄」型代議士の選挙運動・選挙地盤という観点も加味した。それによって，①「院外青年」運動の諸画期と総選挙とが密接な連動関係にあったこと，②「院外青年」時代の志向と，代議士時代の立場とを比較したとき，鈴木と西岡とは対照的な関係にあったこと，③しかし，両者はともに，卓越した演説技術や斬新な選挙戦術を駆使する「小英雄」型代議士の典型であり，また，議会政治認識についても一致・一貫していたことなどが明らかとなった。

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本稿では、技術の限界に対する認識がいかにして更新されていったかを、東海道新幹線を事例として考察した。技術の限界を考えるにあたり、分析のフレームワークとしてSCOT から派生した技術フレームを使用している。また、技術の限界を考えるにあたり、研究段階における技術の限界に対する認識である純粋技術屋的限界と、実際に営業に投入する段階における技術の限界に対する認識である政策技術屋的限界に分けて考察を行い、それぞれの技術の限界に対して、これを規定する要因と更新する要因を明らかにした。

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This paper is a report on the field-survey of the voting behaviour and the political consciousness of the citizens of Kyoto, the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, expressed in the 30th General Election of the members of the House of Representatives which took place on 21st November, 1963.
As is well-known, compared with the previous Election which was fought with the U. S. -Japanese Security Treaty as the centre of political issues, the points at issue were not clear in the last, 30th Election, and the reason for the Election not being sufficiently understood among the nation, the campaign remained on a low key from the beginning to the end. Correspondingly, the voting ratio in the whole country was 71.1%, which was the second lowest since the end of the Second World War, the first being 67.9% in 1947.
In the city of Kyoto, which forms the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, 58.2% was recorded, which is lower than the average of the whole country by 12.9% and is within the lowest-voting group in the country.
The result was the elections of two Liberal-Democrats (Ministerial Conservatives), one Communist, one Socialist and one Democratic-Socialist. Therefore in the new political map of Kyoto, there are two Conservatives against three “Reformists, ” the Conservatives having obtained 42% of the votes cast and the Reformist parties 58%. The Communist candidate came out at the top of the members elected. Thus, the Reformist forces are strong in this constituency. The reformist tendency in the political climate of Kyoto has long been pointed out, together with the emphasis of the classical character of this city, especially in connection with its cultural characteristics.
Are we to regard this Reformist tendency of Kyoto as being the same as the tenacious strength of the Reformists in large cities, such as Tokyo and Osaka, where the organized forces, with workmen in large and small factories and white-collars as the centre, constitute their support? Or, is there any particular phenomenon in the case of Kyoto, peculiar to it and different from other regions?
Further, how far are the citizens of Kyoto conscious of objective recognition of circumstances and subjective selection of value which form the two criteria of political consideration imposed upon the modern “citizens”? Upon these premises and bearing these problems in view, the writers have arranged into order the relation between voting behaviour and political consciousness based on various materials. These materials specifically include those of voting precentage and abstention, choice ox candidates —its reason and motives— points at issue, and so on. The paper lays stress on the description of the actual reality of Kyoto, and does not adopt the method of abstracting a general proposition out of the pattern in this case.

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