島根県と山口県において, 2003年から2004年にかけて, 50歳以上の人を対象に茶粥習俗調査を実施し, 次のことが明らかになった。
(1) 島根県と山口県で茶粥習俗の経験者はそれぞれ約60%と83%であり, また両県とも茶粥習俗は広範囲に分布していた。
(2) 両県とも, 茶粥は「チャガイ」・「チャガユ」という呼称が最も多く用いられていた。
(3) 両県とも茶粥は朝食で最もよく食べられていた。茶粥に入れた具の中で最も多かったのはサツマイモであった。
(4) 両県とも, 茶粥は節米目的あるいは健康に良い食べ物として認識されており, 好みに合う料理として継承されている。
著者らの調査では
  島根県と山口県における茶粥習俗には共通点が観察された。
  両県の茶粥習俗は江戸時代から継承されていることが示唆された。

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A number of traditional events have recently been on the verge of extinction in Japan mainly because of a lack of successors. The tradition of bullfighting in the Oki Islands has fortunately continued up to now. This study investigates how bullfighting is continued and its significance in the Oki Islands by concentrating on the connection between the social relations created between the bulls and local society. I focus on the various inhabitants who run the bullfighting, particularly the following four types of people: ushinushi (bull's owner and trainer), tsunadori (bull's motivator), the ushinushi's neighbors, and the ushinushi's family. Currently, bullfighting takes place in Saigo town, Tsuma village and Goka village.
First, I consider the transition and background of bullfighting. Bullfighting in the Oki Islands underwent changes in connection with people's occupations. It is said that bullfighting began in common pastures as a local attraction in the agricultural off-season in the Kamakura era. When people started producing beef cattle in the Meiji era, bulls played the roles of draft cattle, beef cattle and fighting bulls all at the same time. However, agricultural mechanization and the depreciation of cattle reduced bullfighting activities in the 1960s. When tourism started to thrive in the Oki Islands in the 1970s, bullfighting was moved back into the limelight as a resource for tourism. Ushinushis began casual bullfighting for tourists and charged admission. Thus tourism has supported bullfighting. In addition to that, town and village offices began assisting bullfighting in the 1980s because they expected the traditional event to inspire the region and create a local identity. Now, there are bullfighting associations in each town and village. They cooperate with the local municipal governments and run bullfighting events in each region.
Next, I focus on ushinushis and tsunadoris. There are forty-three ushinushis in the Oki Islands. Raising bulls incurs some costs, but ushinushis say that the sheer pleasure of training bulls and associating with other ushinushis is worth it. They raise bulls through a trial and error process and have a special feeling for their own bull. They gather and train bulls every week. After training, they exchange information about bulls over drinks and food. The most important point of contact for them is the "shoma, " which is the buying and selling of bulls. Once they have gone through the shoma, they become close friends, part of the brotherhood, because through the shoma, they consider each other as fully-fledged ushinushis. Because they want strong bulls, they trade them beyond the boundaries between towns and villages. Shoma creates a wide-ranging network of ushinushis. At the fight, the ushinushi entrusts his bull to the tsunadori, the motivator of the bull. The ushinushi has every confidence in the tsunadori, and the tsunadori has a strong sense of responsibility for obtaining victory. They build up trustful relations over long periods of time and cooperate with one another to train the bull. To emphasize the unity of their place of residence, the ushinushis tend to ask someone from their home town or village to become their tsunadori. The interaction between ushinushis and tsunadoris increases the solidarity of their community.
Thirdly, I focus on the ushinushi's neighbors and family. Neighbors give gifts of sake or money two weeks before a bullfight. The ushinushi holds a banquet at his house in return for the gifts. The neighbor who gives sake is the most important of all the people giving gifts. They always attend the banquet and cheer on the ushinushi on the day of the bullfighting.

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Nichiren was exiled to Sado island, where he spent two years and five months. It has become a principal center for Nichiren’s ideas and beliefs. It has already been reported that priests of the Nichiren sect crossed to Sado and reconstructed the sacred place shortly after Nichiren’s death. The pilgrimage to Sado became popular among ordinary people since Early Modern times, and therefore, it is considered that they are deeply related to the formation of the holy place of Nichiren.

This paper examines the reasons why priests of the Nichiren sect, mainly in the Early Modern period, went to Sado, and the process by which a sacred land dedicated to Nichiren was created on Sado as described in guidebooks of the sacred place. 

In medieval Sado, famous for its connection with Nichiren, many hermitages and Hokke-dō halls were built. Among them, Anryū-ji, Konpon-ji, Myōsen-ji and Honkō-ji were maintained and converted into sacred places. Some other sacred places were established by merger and relocation. 

Since the biography and folklore of Nichiren was spread among the ordinary people, temples and sacred sites associated with Nichiren in Sado were recognized as such sacred spots. Thus, Nichiren Buddhists began to make pilgrimages to Sado after the time of the imperial restoration at the end of the Edo period. 

In addition, because this sacred spot was introduced in the Nichiren Biography published in the Early Modern period, it was maintained as a sacred place. 

In the Late Tokugawa Period, a Nichiren Hall was built in a place called Maura, the last port from which Nichiren left Sado as he was returning to Kamakura. Local residents still maintain it. 

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 Japan is a country surrounded by seas and has abundant marine resources. Therefore, there are various hut for fishery along coast. Boathouse "Funagoya" is one of them, and is a hut to put a small wooden ship inside. There are a lot of boathouses in Oki Islands. A purpose of this study is to confirm the present conditions of the boathouse in Oki Islands.
 At first, we confirmed the distribution of boathouses. Then, we performed hearing investigation about the placement and made a survey of representative boathouses. Thereafter, we considered about relationship between boathouse and climate, occupations and local culture.
 We found new boathouses in 3 villages, and confirmed that there were boathouses in old days in 16 villages. There are few boathouses in northwest area of Okinoshima-cho, where we can see many cliffs. And, it became clear that there are many boathouses in areas rich economically in old days.
 We classified location of the boathouse into 3 types. Then, we checked placement and the possession relations of boathouses in Iibi village having representative landscape. We confirmed that boathouses protect wind from sea. And it was revealed that the tendency of the owner is different from the east side of the Iibi River in the west.
 We classified the form of the boathouse into 4 types. And we showed the difference of type and constructional element, by comparing all boathouses. Continuous type boathouses have long span in beam direction, and solo type boathouses have long span in ridge direction. The length 1-ken of solo type is bigger than continuous type. In areas where the length of ridge direction is big, they make walls to village side and make space for storage.
 Villagers built boathouses by themself. They made boathouses with miscellaneous small trees and scrap woods of houses. Pillar of boathouse was buried in the ground, roof was made with the peel of cedar. We investigated five representative boathouses, and clarified the details of the building method of boathouses. Solo type boathouses are made with many logs. Continuous type boathouses are made with square timbers and joint metals. Most of continuous type boathouses are new and are built by public fund. And one of them is made with traditional method of “Zairai-kouhou”using ground sill.
 Almost all boathouses are not in use now, and seaside landscape with boathouses is disappearing. But, boathouses are local precious cultural resources, and have high value as tourist attractions. It will be important to preserve and utilize them.

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隠岐諸島をはじめ，本州から九州におけるカヤネズミ（Micromys minutus）の12集団について，下顎骨の計測値にもとづき，多変量解析（主成分分析，正準判別分析）をおこない，地理的変異を分析した．その結果，下顎骨について，全体的な大きさ（第1主成分）には集団間で差は認められなかったが，形（第2–第3主成分）には集団間で有意な差が認められた．特に，第2主成分は島の面積との間に有意な相関が認められたので，何らかの要因が形態変異に作用した可能性がある．正準判別分析では，隠岐諸島の集団間で形態変異が認められた．この変異には島の隔離に伴う遺伝的浮動が働いたと考えられた．しかし，下顎骨の大きさ（第1主成分）について集団間で差がみられず，また，遠く離れた地域の集団間で形態的な違いがみられなかった．これは，Yasuda et al.（2005）が明らかにしたように，日本列島におけるカヤネズミの低い遺伝的多様性を反映しているかもしれない．

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日本における地場産業の代表の一つとされる足利織物業について,生産から流通にわたる広範な社会的分業のしくみを織物業の生産構造ととらえ,各生産工程など構成要素について調査し,生産構造の地域的展開の研究を行なった.足利織物業が地場産業として完成するのは,明治30年代以降のいわゆる2期の時代であり,国内向け部門においてであった.各工程等は,それぞれの立地条件から次第に地域内に分散立地した.2期のピークである昭和初年では,織物業の生産構造の地域的展開は,足利の中心街を中心地区とする圏構造を示した.中心地区では,核に流通と原材料供給の機能が,核の周辺には製造統轄機能が分布する.周辺地区は分業の基幹をなす製造機能の地区である.そのなかに,自然あるいは伝統・技術にもとづく分業の補助的機能の地区が介在する.このような圏構造は,地場産業のうちの農村工業における生産構造の地域的展開の特徴と考えられる.

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The Comprehensive Master Plan of Hayakawa Town titled "Japan Upper River Culture Plan" is one of the few examples of local governments' master plans which hold a clear vision based on their regional sociocultural context. In the same plan, the idea to establish an affiliated particular research institute was shown as a practiced measure. Authors, being members of "Japan Upper River Culture Institute", have been responsible for research activities on regional development of Hayakawa Town through community participation. In this research paper, the philosophy of comprehensive Master Plan of Hayakawa Town as well as the experiences and results of its research institute were evaluated, and some matters worthy to be considered for regional development of Japan's local inland town were extracted.

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The subsistence economy of the people of the Jomon Period is thought to be mainly hunting, fishing and the collecting of plants. After the introduction of rice cultivation, the Yayoi culture appeared and developed and the wet lowlands, foothills and valley bottoms were converted into paddy fields. But hills and plateaus which lacked irrigation convenience were left as living space for natives engaged in hunting and slash-and-burn agriculture and were not absorbed into the rice-cultivating zone. Slash-and-burn agriculture developed from plant collecting, as a livelihood, and this gradually changed into stable upland-field agriculture as the number of wild animals decreased. The reason why hunting. guns are found more numerously even today among People with slash-and-burn agriculture seems due to the survival of a tradition of hunting in olden times. Also there were migratory people in the hilly regions known as matagi or sanka. Who were engaged in hunting wild animals and fishing in streams. Some among the matagi used to catch fish in streams, but they were not able to make a living by hunting or fishing alone. In order to gain subsidiary income, they would sometimes engrage in wood-working as well as the production of bamboo-wares and even dugouts. The characteristics of the hill people in relation to the hunting and fishing stage were maintained through cut the years until recent times; notably, the custom of eating meat. They were intrepid fighters and took part in the battles in the plains areas and through this process not a few migrated and settled in the plains. The warrior class may have originated from these people who lived in the hills and plateaus and the custom of decapitation in Japanese battles may have been a survival of the hunting life. Some fierce hill natives in struggled against the newly emergent feudal lords in the plains and were almost annihilated in the beginning of the late feudal period which was accompanied by great social change (i. e. the Period of Warring States). After wards many hill peoplc lost their high spirit and were pacified. Among the hill dwellers, the kijiya, wood-workers, adopted a migratory life, and their emergence seems to be more recent than that of the hunters. Most of the hill dwellers who have legends of their ancestors being refugees were originally plains dwellers. Their settlement in the hills is recent, and nowadays they cultivate paddy as well as upland-fields.

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　昨年度に引き続き，上越市中ノ俣とその近隣の能生谷およぴ愛媛県二神島の集落・民家の調査を行ない，集落の空間構成および民家の様相についてさらに分析を進めた。また，生活習俗についても検討を加えた。中ノ俣の集落は，中ノ俣川の両岸沿いに，隣家と間隔を保ちながら南北900ｍほどの範囲に80戸が散在している。各民家は主屋1棟のみの家屋構成が多く，主屋1棟で住空間・作業空間の諸機能を満たしていると考えられる。主屋は平均43坪ほどで，平面は方三間のチャノマを中心に上手にザシキ，奥にネマ，下手奥にナカノマ，下手に土間を配するほぼ共通した間取りである。二神島の集落は，港を中心に海岸沿いに東西500ｍほどにわたって150戸が密集している。各民家は主屋・ヘヤ・納屋・便所・風呂などの家屋構成が多く，諸機能を各家屋に分散させていると考えられる。主屋は平均21坪ほどで中ノ俣に比べ小規模である。主屋は「おもて6畳」「4畳半くだり」と呼ばれる2種の典型的平面をもつ。ヒノラと呼ばれる中庭を囲んで建物が建ち，中庭形式とでも呼ぶべき特色ある配置をもっている。中ノ俣の近隣集落である能生谷も中ノ俣の民家と極めてよく似た同系統の民家が分布している。この能生谷における民家の普請の様相を普請関係文書によって検討した。民家の普請はほぼ村全戸からの手伝いによって行なわれ，多く手伝いを必要とする作業は雪解けの旧暦2月から農作業が本格化する旧暦4月にかけて行なっている。また，能生谷島道の茅講では，毎年前1分芽2〆と40銭を持ち寄り，協議の上取り主を決め，組合員全員に茅が渡し終えれば講を解散するという運営が行なわれている。二神島では，飲料水を得るための共同井戸の使用範囲と小字の地区がほば一致している等が明らかとなった。

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