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  • ―静岡県の選挙を事例に
    小宮 京
    年報政治学
    2019年 70 巻 1 号 1_271-1_292
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー

    第三次吉田茂内閣は衆議院では絶対多数を確保した。だが、参議院では民主自由党 (のち、自由党) は第二会派にすぎず、多数派を形成するためには第一会派の緑風会の協力が必要不可欠だった。本稿はこうした中央政界の状況が地方政界にいかなる影響を与えたかを考察した。とりわけ注目したのは静岡県の選挙である。吉田首相は1950年の参議院議員選挙や1952年の参議院議員補欠選挙で、緑風会に配慮せざるを得なかった。一方、1951年の県知事選挙では緑風会に配慮する必要がないため、党内の調整だけで良かった。この間、吉田首相と緑風会の交渉の窓口は河井弥八参議院議員であった。河井は静岡県地方区選出で、後に参議院議長を務める、緑風会の有力者であった。本稿は河井の日記を用い、第三次吉田内閣と緑風会の関係を、静岡県の知事選や参議院議員選挙などの各種選挙を通じて明らかにした。これにより従来の吉田内閣像の見直しを行うと同時に、中央の政治状況が地方に直接的に影響を与えたことを明らかにした。

  • 江藤 肇
    計測と制御
    1979年 18 巻 3 号 225-226
    発行日: 1979/03/10
    公開日: 2009/11/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―自民党と民主党の比較検討―
    上神 貴佳
    年報政治学
    2008年 59 巻 1 号 1_220-1_240
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2012/12/28
    ジャーナル フリー
      This paper examines the relationship between a democratization of party leadership selection and party organizational change in Japan. The Liberal Democratic Party, the long ruling party, became used to utilizing votes by party members as a method of electing its presidents. Compared with the Democratic Party of Japan, the second largest party, LDP has a much larger number of members, but its factional linkage which holds diet members and rank and file party members together has dwindled. By contrast, the organizational support base of DPJ remains weak, so the demand of local party organizations for votes by party members does not increase. In sum, as a result of many LDP members voting individually, they are coming on the stage of party leadership selection as new actors. Both because the incentives of candidates and members change, votes by party members became popular in LDP.
  • 樫村 愛子
    学術の動向
    2015年 20 巻 9 号 9_26-9_31
    発行日: 2015/09/01
    公開日: 2016/01/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 篠崎 香織
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2018年 2018 巻 47 号 133-137
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2020/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 家田 義隆
    イタリア学会誌
    1971年 19 巻 43-64
    発行日: 1971/01/20
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    Dopo il ritorno di Lorenzo il Magnifico da Napoli, egli si dedico completamente alla riforma costituzionale. Nell'aprile 1480, una proposta per la fondazione di una Balia comincio a essere discussa dalla Signoria e fu in seguito approvata. Alla Balia fu concessa l'autorita di realizzare tutte le riforme che sembravano necessarie. Questo fu la causa di un cambiamento importante nella costituzione fiorentina. Il Consiglio dei Settanta era composto di 30 memebri ordinari della Balia e di 40 altri scelti da essi. Al Consiglio dei Settanta fu affidato il controllo di fatto su tutti i rami del governo. Allora, qual'era il vero e reale ruolo del Consiglio dei Settanta? quale era stata l'intenzione di Lorenzo il Magnifico nel fare tali riforme costituzionali? Nel mio articolo, vorrei schiarire questi punti.
  • 田中 善一郎
    年報政治学
    1985年 36 巻 1-33
    発行日: 1986/03/28
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 篠原 鼎, 根本 宏三, 丹沢 章八
    全日本鍼灸学会雑誌
    1989年 39 巻 3 号 290-299
    発行日: 1989/09/01
    公開日: 2011/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    健常者の左手と右手の重回帰分析を行った結果, 単相関行列においても偏相関行列においても, 危険率1%あるいは危険率5%の相関がほぼなく, 左手の四変数あるいは右手の四変数は, ほぼ独立変数であることが判った。また片麻痺患者の健側と比較するため, 健常者の左手と健常者の右手のどちらを選択するかの必要があり, それぞれの単相関行列と偏相関行列を検討した結果, 健常者の左手の方がより良いことが判った。さらに健常者の左手と片麻痺患者の健側の判別分析を行った結果, 判別関数式は, 以下のS―S間隔 (脈間隔), S―P時間 (動脈立上時間), S―C時間 (駆出時間), Dh/Ch% (切痕有無) の関数として表現できることが判った。
    Z=(2.330E-05)S-St+(-5.329E-02)S-Pt+(-5.151E-03)S-Ct+(1.339E-02)Dh/Ch%+6.947
    健常者と片麻痺患者の判別境界値は, 0.391である。すなわち, 判別得点が判別境界値未満の場合は, 脳血管障害傾向があり, 判別得点が判別境界値以上の場合は, 健常者傾向があるとの, 総合判断が可能となった。
  • 黒川 康
    史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 1 号 100-107
    発行日: 1982/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杣 正夫
    年報政治学
    1967年 18 巻 132-158,6
    発行日: 1967/05/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    Public investment is one of the most effective administrative measures by which the central government controls local government. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the case of regional development policy since the 1950's. The author seeks to determine the extent of the changes in local party organizations and activities under the pressure of the regional development policy. The conservative party's local chapters have been changing from the traditional “solid” machines based on traditional communities and developing into “functional vote-getting” machines. The leadership of the Socialist Party's local chapters has been swiftly shifting from farmers' unions to labor unions. Policy differences are also reflected: the conservatives stress direct connection between the central and local governments, whereas the socialists strive for close relationship between local government and local inhabitants. However, in general, local government clearly reflects the deficiencies of the central government.
    1. National policy and local politics.
    2. The Liberal Democratic Party—organization and role of the prefectural federation of local chapters; endorsement process of party candidates for public offices; prefectural assemblymen and Diet representatives; candidate-supporting associations; professionalization of prefectural assemblymen; realignment of conservative control.
    3. The Socialist Party—local organizations; daily activities; electioneering; system power and movement power.
  • 古賀 優子
    ラテンアメリカ・レポート
    2009年 26 巻 2 号 24-32
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2022/02/26
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 富野 敬邦
    社会学評論
    1958年 8 巻 4 号 60-75
    発行日: 1958/08/30
    公開日: 2009/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    This Research was carried into effect by Synthetic Social Science Association of Tokushima University, extending over July and August in 1956. The participators in this work is as follows. Professors 3, Assistant Professors 2, and students 34. This work was supported by Prefecture Election Administration Committee and Local Autonomy Agency. Hiradani (Mountain Village), Yuki (Fishing Village), Minamiinoue (Farm Village) were selected as investigative districts in this research.
    The subject of investigation was selected by random sampling (1/17) from the voter's list.
    The principal department of investigative questions is as follows.
    1. Environment
    2. Elective Consciousness
    3. Political Consciousness
    4. Self-Governing Consciousness
    These theme were investigated about forty paragraphs. And the result was added much more deeply by actual analysis and minute examination from the point of region, sex, school career, occupation and class distinction. When this field work was carried on, together with interviews and inquires one by one by the student investigators, General research and hearing was also carried on by investigative professors.
    Concerning to various elections of House of Representatives Governor, Members of Prefectural Assembly, Mayer of Towns and Villages, Members of Town and Village Assembly this study was consequently complicated fairly.
    As soon as the result of this research was published openly in book form, called forth a big echo in the central political world and the reportorial world. And then called forth an echo in the House of Representatives, House of Councillors, Members of two Houses, Election Administration Commission of the whole country, local political world and the others. Many encouragement was given to us from all quarters. Honorable Mention from Fair Election Propulsion Headquarters, Miki-Koraku Prize from Miki-Korakukai were given to us.
    The object and meaning of this research
    Informal human relations, social relations, group relations in the election (Voting Behavior), and Pre-Modernity, Feudalism, Emotional peculiarity bring about most meaning title of a study in the field of sociological study. The political, elective consciousness (Voting Behavior) of Electors in a Farm Mountain, Fishing Villages, are generally lower than its of City electors, Functional Corporation and Union Members. and also in Voting Behavior, they are more scarce on independency, bound by Emotional, Irrational Motive, weak to external pressure.
    The questioning paragraphs in this research
    1. Which do you select political-party or person ?
    2. Principal reasons you selected the candidate.
    3. At what period did you select the candidate ?
    4. Main motives (moment) you select the candidate.
    5. About the Floating-Vote, Family-Vote Organization-Vote.
    6. Corruption and Donation.
    7. About the betterment of elective method.
    8. Fair Election and its movement.
    9. The degrees of interest in all kinds of election.
    10. Judgement to Labour Unions.
    11. Judgement to the Amendment of the National Constitution.
    12. Mass Communication.
    13. Measurement of self-governing and political consciousness.
    14. Political need to State Prefecture, City, Town and Village.
    15. Trend of Family-Vote.
    16. Trend of Women's Vote.
    17. Conservation and Innovation.
    18. Abstention from Voting, Abstention rate.
  • 安部 博純
    現代史研究
    1981年 30 巻 83-93
    発行日: 1981/06/20
    公開日: 2021/10/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小田 仲彬
    電氣化學
    1946年 14 巻 3-4 号 64-76
    発行日: 1946/04/05
    公開日: 2020/01/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久保谷 政義
    法政論叢
    2020年 56 巻 1 号 137-
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/06/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 黒田 浩一郎, 池田 義裕, 増田 光吉
    ソシオロジ
    1953年 2 巻 4 号 85-111
    発行日: 1953/04/30
    公開日: 2019/05/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大野 徹
    東南アジア研究
    1971年 8 巻 4 号 534-565
    発行日: 1971/03/31
    公開日: 2019/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―2009年茨城県知事選挙と自民党県連―
    山田 真裕
    年報政治学
    2011年 62 巻 2 号 2_52-2_69
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    ジャーナル フリー
      This paper is a case study of organizational transformation in a prefectural party unit of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Ibaraki prefecture was one of the bulwarks of LDP dominance and the prefectural organization (“kenren”) had been proud of own strength. But, at the defeat in the 2009 gubernatorial election, many conservative local politician and interest organizations were against the “kenren” and supported the incumbent governor, Masaru Hashimoto, and let him win. The defeat broke the previous regime at the “kenren”, and the Ibaraki-kenren was forced to rebuild its organization and to try transforming itself from being a prefectural member-centered organization to becoming a more inclusive organization.
      The purpose of this article analyzes the process of the gubernatorial defeat and the organizational reformation in the kenren following that defeat, to claim the necessity of further accumulation of analysis about local organizations of political parties, not only from perspective of national level confrontation among parties, but also local conflict among local politicians and interest organizationswith a peculiar dynamism.
  • 梶原 晶
    選挙研究
    2014年 30 巻 2 号 91-104
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/02
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本稿は,地方分権改革の推進要因について,国会議員に焦点を当てた分析を行う。つまり,改革の推進アクターとして国会議員を位置づけた上で,どのような国会議員が地方分権を志向する政策選好を有しているのかを明らかにする。そこで注目するのは,議員の選挙時の公約である。具体的には,衆議院議員総選挙の候補者が,個人の公約の中で行っている地方分権と地方分権改革に関する言及の状況について,規定要因を分析していく。分析の結果からは,選挙制度改革以降,公約中における言及が増加しているほか,二大政党化が議員の言及を増加させている点が示される。同時に,議員個々の選挙における強さや選挙区環境の違いもまた,地方分権への言及を規定している点が明らかにされる。一連の分析を通して,地方分権改革の推進者としての国会議員の姿を明らかにする。
  • 升味 準之輔
    年報政治学
    1967年 18 巻 34-77,en3
    発行日: 1967/05/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Japanese political system in its present form emerged in 1955 when the socialists and conservatives unified their respective camps in quick succession, forming a two-party system controlled by the conservatives. The socialists and other opposition parties, . however, have exerted unremitting and increasing pressure on the conservative party, Rapid economic and social developments have also brought considerable pressure to bear on the conservative party system, with industrialization and urbanization eroding the traditional conservative strongholds. These pressures have compelled the party to face the question of party organization reforms, particularly since 1960. The author discusses three issues raised by the reforms. First, he mentions the dissolution of intraparty factions during the Ikeda government; second, political fund raising organizations, with particular emphasis on the Economic Reconstruction Debate Association and the National Association; and third, the education of party officials and the local party agent system. The party's role in the process of policy-making is then analyzed with respect to the Party Policy Investigation Board, the revision of the Japan-U. S. Security Treaty in 1960, and the Ikeda cabinet's Income Doubling Plan and New Industrial Cities Plan.
    1. The conservative party since 1955.
    2. Problems of party organization-party and factions; political contributions and the business circles; party headquarters and chapters.
    3. The conservative party and the policy-making process-the Party Policy Investigation Board and governmental bureaucracy; case studies of foreign and domestic policy formulation.
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