In local election, most candidates get votes from their home district. This is called "friends and neighbours effect" or "local effect" in electoral geography. But candidates of citizen groups, as one of the new political movements, perform election activities and get votes across large area, becase they are supported by the network of various people beyond existing community power structure. The candidates of organized party, the Japan Communist Party and the Komeito, build strong relationships to his/her neighbours, in the process of strategic assignment of party members' votes to them. This paper surveys the relationship between candidates of citizen groups/the Japan Communist Party and his/her home district in Amagasaki city council election, 1997. In this election, four candidates of citizen groups claimed whole municipal issue, council reforming, as in the last election (1993). They not only maintained and newly constructed broad network of citizens, but this tme they also did locally-oriented election activities. There were two reasons why they regarded each home district as importnat. i) Three of them who had won the last election build relationship to their neighbours during their term of office, and ii) many voters wanted their local representatives because of the influence of the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthequake (1995) etc. However the candidates' attitude toward home district and their spatial spheres of election activities varied considerably. These factors affected each scope of votes and even the electoral results. This paper illustrates the assigned zones of the Japan Communist Party. These zones determined the spheres of votes of the candidates and enabled them to get solid votes. Additionally, in the official gazette for election, the candidates promised to consider local interests to the neighbours of their own zones.

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(1)Political Ethics in Opinion Polls (2)An Analaysis based on a Local Survey Data-Imari City and Haga Town (3)Political Culture in Japan and a Prevention against Political Corruption

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本稿では,参議院選挙をとりあげ,愛知県を事例どして選挙結果の空間的分布とその変化を示すとともに,社会・経済的地域特性との関連を定量的に謝した. (1) まず,選挙繰では,投票率ま,第7回(1965年)・第10回(1974年)選挙とも,農山村部で高く,都市部で低かった.政党別得票率をみると,第7回選挙では保守と革新の得票分布の違いが明瞭で,自民党は農山村部で高い得票率を示し,他政党は都市部で高かった.第10回選挙になると,自民・社会両党の得票が都市部で減少し,共産党・公明党が都市部で増加,民社党が労働組合の支持変更のため急増した. (2) 次いで, 1965・75年における社会・経済的地域特性を因子分析により要約した. (3) 投票率,政党別得票率を従属変数, (2) で得られた因子得点を独立変数として重回帰分析を行なった結果,両者には密接かつ有意な関係のあることが判明した.

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Electoral geography, which deals, for the most part, with the regional variations in voting behavior, has occupied one of the main field of the study on the political behavior or on the opinion. Some new ways of research have been introduced in this field and these are summarised here in reference to main and important articles of electoral geography.
1) One of the traditional view points represented by Siegfried is that the political opinion is concerned much more with the social integration of the community through the activities and influences of the social, political and economic organizations or groups. Without this point of view, quantification of each socio-economic element would not be able to clarify the complex relations between community and opinion of its residents.
2) On the other hand, the behavioral approach, represented by Cox, considers spatial elements which are important in the behavior and decision and gives its own explanation in the field of geographical studies to the modeling of voting behavior within the spatial context. But many problems remain to be solved; measuring of the network structure, the information flow and the attitude changed by the acceptance of information, tempo-spatial generalization from the results of small-scale sampling survey to large-scale voting characteristics and so on.
3) Kasperson and McPhail, for example, have recently written some interesting articles which show one of the recent trends in this field. This is the dynamic analysis of areal differentiation in voting behavior and its influence upon the political system through the electoral results. These new points of view in electoral geography within the field of political geography should introduce more of the works done in the recent accomplish ments in social geography so as to elaborate the analysis of spatial pattern in voting behavior.

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　本論文では,日本の地方公営企業制度における組織の自律性の特性について検討する。日本の地方公営企業は,地方自治体の直営企業であり,その経営管理機能は,議会,直接公選の首長,公営企業の管理者の三者によって分有されている。その制度設計と運用により,地方公営企業の自律性のあり方は地方自治体間で多様となり得る。本論文では,地方公営企業の経営内容の違いを生み出す要因として,この自律性の違いに注目する。水道事業の財務情報や施設水準に関する情報,各種法令や行政文書,議会議事録,さらに行政職員による雑誌論文等を用いた事例研究の方法により,1990 年代半ばから2000 年代までの期間を対象として,「高いが頑健な水道」を実現した東京都と「老朽化しているが,安い水道」を持つようになった大阪市の違いが地方公営企業の自律性の違いによって生み出されたことを検証する。その上で,日本の地方公営企業制度の下において組織の自律性の高さが,中長期的な視点からの経営に資する可能性を持つことを論じる。

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This paper focuses on Akashi City's children's measures as a case where“justice”of the administration is embodied in the direction of realizing an inclusive society.

Mr. Fusaho Izumi took office as the mayor of Akashi in 2011 and formulated the Fifth Long-Term Comprehensive Plan (2011-2020). It has made children the pillars of the city's government in order to realize an inclusive society in which no one is left behind.

There is a wide range of measures for children being implemented. They can be classified into three categories: 1) reducing the economic burden of child-rearing, 2) enhancing social upbringing, and 3) improving the educational environment. How is the justice of“no one left behind” carried out in these measures to help children?

The purpose of this paper is to grasp how to carry out the justice of “no one left behind”in these measures to help children through analyzing 1) the principle, 2) the actual situation regarding the organization, budget, and human arrangement to implement children's measures, 3) Mayor Izumi's background, and 4) the opinion of the citizens.

The findings of this paper are as follows. The first revealed that Akashi City's children's measures are based on the principles of universal and seamlessness. The universal principle for all children is applied so that no one is left behind. No income cap is set for child-rearing support. Also, the way of establishing a safety net to ensure that no one is left behind is comprehensive and seamless. Akashi city has implemented comprehensive support measures for children to enhance their social upbringing such as the establishment of a child welfare center.

Second, the budget for implementing measures to help children doubled and the number of personnel tripled between 2011 and 2019, and the budget and the allocation of personnel showed how to do justice.

Third, Mayor Izumi's basic perspective, which puts inclusion as a policy principle, was obtained from on-site recognition backed by the experience when he was a child and a lawyer.

Finally, Izumi City government is supported by citizens who wish to create a city that is friendly to children and people with disabilities, and their support is obtained only because it is a city government that responded to their wish.

Akashi City's children's measures for all children have had ripple effects such as overcoming population decline and improving the local economy, and have achieved inclusive growth. This case is very suggestive in considering the“justice”of the administration, while pursuing justice that no one is left behind based on universal and seamless principles.

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Voter turnout is falling in democracies around the world. The decline is particularly serious in local elections in metropolitan areas. In this paper, I analyze the participation of young voters in two Tokyo suburban cities. In Koganei City mayoral elections were held twice in 2011 because of a controversy about garbage disposal. In Kodaira City a referendum was held on the planned construction of a road. Analysis of Koganei mayoral elections using a mail survey indicates that younger voters were more likely than older voters to consider the garbage problem when deciding whether to go to vote. Aggregate data on the Kodaira referendum shows that the turnout of younger voters was higher than the norm for local elections in that city. In neither of these two elections did overall turnout rise but my analyses demonstrate that younger voters will participate more actively in local elections if they have an opportunity to vote on a controversial issue.

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本稿は,神奈川県逗子市池子米軍住宅建設反対運動(=池子の森を守る運動)について,1986年から1991年にかけて実施された調査研究結果に基づき1992年に執筆された未刊報告書に,加筆・修正を加えたものの第二部分である.問題の経緯と運動の発生・発展・分裂・衰退について概観した第一部分は昨年度2013年3月刊の名古屋文理大学紀要に収録されており,本稿はその続稿となる. 本稿では,運動成員の属性や運動組織の特徴について,質問紙調査結果・聞き取り調査結果・運動が配布したビラ・文献に沿って明らかにすることが目指される.検討される項目は、(1).運動成員の基本属性、(2)リーダーとリーダーシップ,(3)組織,(4)運動の目的,(5)政治的態度と既存政党との関係,(6)運動戦略上の特徴,(7)参加動機,の7点である. これらの検討から,当運動が上記7点のいずれから見ても従来型の社会運動と異なる特徴を備えていることが確認される.

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