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  • 南方録
    福崎 春子
    家政学雑誌
    1980年 31 巻 2 号 69-74
    発行日: 1980/02/20
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    What opinion had Mr. Sennorikyu, who is said to have perfected the Japanese tea-ceremony, on the meals served in the tea-ceremony and what kinds of food were taken at the beginning of the tea-ceremony history? These problems were studied by investigating the secret tea-ceremony classics, Nanboroku.
    Nanboroku was written by Mr. Nanbo-Sokei who was the ablest pupil of Mr. Sennorikyu and is said to be completed in 1593. It is composed of seven volumes of which the first six volumes were revised by Mr. Sennorikyu.
    According to the volume No. 1, Sennorikyu's opinion is interpreted as follows : The meal of the tea-ceremony is to be given not the extent of starvation, but in conformity with the manner of daily life in the Zen (Buddhism) temple. It means not the plain foods, but it is to be served by understanding taste for the simple and quiet, i.e. Wabi and Sabi traditionally known in Japan.
    Also, the meals of forty-seven times served in the tea-ceremonies given by Mr. Sennorikyu in a certain year between 1582-1588, which are recorded in the volume No. 2, were studied, and classified according to the kind and frequency of the menu and foods. Therefrom the origin of the meals of tea-ceremony in the present age was clarified.
  • 関尾 史郎
    法制史研究
    2007年 2007 巻 57 号 314-318
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2013/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桂華 淳祥
    印度學佛教學研究
    1983年 32 巻 1 号 298-301
    発行日: 1983/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田治 六郎
    造園雑誌
    1942年 9 巻 2 号 14-23
    発行日: 1942/07/30
    公開日: 2011/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽 友三郎
    法制史研究
    1988年 1988 巻 38 号 297-299
    発行日: 1989/03/30
    公開日: 2010/02/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 越智 重明
    法制史研究
    1988年 1988 巻 38 号 286-287
    発行日: 1989/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丹羽 友三郎
    法制史研究
    1980年 1980 巻 30 号 337-342
    発行日: 1981/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丸山 雍成
    交通史研究
    2011年 75 巻 23-48
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 楯身 智志
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 3 号 323-356
    発行日: 2012/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi 武帝. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.
  • 中野 等
    交通史研究
    2002年 48 巻 104-
    発行日: 2002/02/28
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤野 月子
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 7 号 1256-1275
    発行日: 2008/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The custom of marrying daughters of the imperial families of China's central dynasties to non-Han allies on their peripheries (hefan gongzhu 和蕃公主) was adopted from the Former Han period on as a method of appeasement. The first example of the custom was the marriage of a Former Han Dynasty woman to a Hungnu 匈奴 leader of the Mongolian steppe. Since the custom was regarded as disgraceful by the Han people, but also viewed as unavoidable in maintaining amiable relations with the Hungnu people, it was never given very high priority in diplomatic policy making, resulting in a decline in such marriages over time. As the strength of the Former Han Dynasty grew in relation to that of the Hungnu up through the reign of Emperor Wu, the Dynasty attempted to form alliances with third parties like the Wusun 烏孫 in order to further weaken the Hungnu. The Latter Han Dynasty continued the policies of its predecessor, but did not employ marriage alliances as part of its diplomacy, history recording not even one case throughout the whole period. Such was the case for the following Wei and Jin southern dynasties. Throughout this time the custom was not only regarded as shameful, but also as ineffective, in that it actually worked to empower peripheral peoples. However, during the following multi-ethnic Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang periods the custom was revived and became a frequently employed policy to strengthen alliances with neighboring peoples, without any feeling of disgrace towards the brides involved; rather, there was a new found feeling of goodwill on the part of these central dynasties towards peoples on their peripheries. Then, after the Anshi Rebellion (756-763), as the traditional political and military ideology of the Northern Dynasties was replaced with Southern Dynastic notions, marriage alliances gradually declined until the custom finally disappeared during the Song Dynasty (960-1279), reverting to the original place which it held in Han culture, only to have the custom revived under the Yuan Dynasty. From this historical pattern, the author concludes that the hefan gongzhu, which flourished under the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang periods, was fundamentally antithetical to the traditions of dynasties founded by Han emperors, but was adopted in response to incursions of non-Han peoples into the northern territories of the Wei and Jin Southern Dynasties.
  • 鈴木 真
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 1 号 1-35
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article takes up the issue of imperial succession during the Qing Dynasty's Kangxi Era (1662-1722), in an attempt to clarify 1) why the selection of the crown prince was executed by the reigning Emperor Kangxi according to the custom of earlier Chinese dynasties, rather than through the consensus of powerful leaders based on the Qing tradition and 2) why Eighth Prince Yin Si gained popularity within the court after the disinheritance of the crown prince, Second Prince Yin Reng. The discussion will hopefully better elucidate the power structure within the imperial court during this period. The author takes up a theme that has been largely ignored in the research to date; that is, an analysis of Prince An of the imperial family's Plain Blue Banner, which shows that Prince An 1) was one of the most powerful leaders of the Banner with leading clans serving under him, 2) enjoyed strong influence at court, which was made possible in part by the formation of marital ties with the Mongol royal family, the family of the grand empress dowager, and 3) also formed a marital relationship with the Heseri clan, the maternal clan of the crown prince, and, thus supported Yin Reng together with the vassals of the royal banner family for several decades. The alliance formed between Prince An and the Heseri clan may appear at a glance to have enabled selection of the crown prince as in the earlier Chinese dynasties ; however, in reality the act amounted to none other than installation based on the consensus of the era's powerful leaders. As the An-Heseri alliance weakened, however, the status of Crown Prince Yin Reng also wavered. The popularity won by the Eighth Prince Yin Si, whose mother was of low status, after the disinheritance of the crown prince stemmed from the marital relationship formed between Yin Si and Prince An. The "rejection" of the Manchurian custom of consensus in the selection of the crown prince during the Kangxi Era has been seen as a display of the kind of respect afforded to Emperor Kangxi and to the Chinese imperial institution. However, in actuality, there was no substantive change whatsoever from the practices adopted during the early years of the Qing Dynasty. That is to say, the crown prince of the Kangxi Era was supported by imperial authority, but also was selected through the support of the powerful banner princes and clans, like his Qing Dynasty predecessors. Their speculations and interests continued to exert strong influence on the successor to the emperor. The author concludes that the power structure of the early Qing Dynasty therefore essentially survived up to the end of the Kangxi Era.
  • 岡野 誠
    法制史研究
    1978年 1978 巻 28 号 265-267
    発行日: 1979/03/15
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮沢 功
    照明学会誌
    1990年 74 巻 3 号 149-156
    発行日: 1990/03/01
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 窪添 慶文
    法制史研究
    1993年 1993 巻 43 号 375-377
    発行日: 1994/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 古代から秀吉の博多再興 (町割り) まで
    秀島 隆史
    日本土木史研究発表会論文集
    1986年 6 巻 258-269
    発行日: 1986/06/25
    公開日: 2010/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    およそ、都市の発生とその発展は、その都市の位置的立地条件と自然的環境条件に基くものを基盤としている。しかしながら、各都市の持つ性格やその独特の形態に関しては、人為的な施策の経緯が深く関与していることも事実である。
    福岡市は九州北部にあって、昭和47年に政令都市に指定された人口120万を超える西日本第一の都市であるが、この福岡市の中心市街地区の都市形態は甚だ特異なものであり、全国的に見ても極めて珍しいタイプの様相を示していると思われるものである。それは、町人町として独特の発展過程を辿った「博多」と、城下町として形成された「福岡」とがドッキングする形の、所謂「双子町」的な形態によるものである。
    福岡市の発生の歴史は極めて古いが、その繁栄の発端は平清盛による「袖の湊」の築造であり、次のエポックは豊臣秀吉の「博多再興 (町割り)」であり、次は筑前・黒田藩の初代藩主・長政の「福岡城下町」の建設であった。いずれも名だたる武将であり、かつ土木的技術集団とその組織を駆使し得た人物の事跡である。
    本論は、この福岡市の発生とその発展過程について、主として土木的視点から考察を試みたものであるが、城下町建設以後については (その2) で述べたい。
  • ─日本の美意識を表現する工業デザイン造形研究(1)
    杉本 美貴, 城川 真実, 大久保 爽一郎
    デザイン学研究
    2019年 66 巻 2 号 2_49-2_56
    発行日: 2019/09/30
    公開日: 2019/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー

     本研究は,現代の工業製品の外観デザインにおいて「侘び」の美意識を表現する造形手法を導出することを目的に研究を行なった。そのために,侘び茶の完成者である千利休が茶事において重視した作為と,彼が好んだとされる茶道具の造形特徴に着目した。はじめに,千利休の作為を記した144件の逸話から作為の目的を5つに分類した。次に,彼が好んだとされる54点の茶道具の造形特徴と分類した5つの作為の目的とを照らし合わせることで,それぞれの作為を表現するための造形手法を導出した。
     その結果,『実用の作為』の造形手法が「使用性への配慮」「適材適所」,『未完の作為』の造形手法が「簡潔な表現」「余地を残す」「ネガティブをポジティブに転換」,『調和の作為』の造形手法が「形や素材のリズム感」「物,人,時間,空間への配慮と取り合わせ」「端正で安定感のある表現」,『隠伏の作為』の造形手法が「技巧を隠す」「最小限の変化量」,『婉曲の作為』の造形手法が「間接的な表現」「見立て」であることを導出し,事例となる工業製品の試作により,導出した造形手法の有用性が示唆された。

  • 鈴木 広隆, 藤本 佳則, 辻 剛史
    図学研究
    2005年 39 巻 Supplement1 号 139-144
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2010/08/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    龍安寺石庭の配石パターンについては、これまで専ら作庭者の意図や配石原理について研究が行われてきた。本研究では、人間の感覚量である趣と配石パターンとの関係について明らかにするため、平面図、透視投影図で表現した様々な配石パターンを被験者に呈示し、趣の定量化を行った。さらに、配石パターンを基にしたボロノイ図を作成し、これによって得られる様々な物理量を求め、趣との関連を考察した。
  • 堀内 淳一
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 9 号 1528-1550
    発行日: 2010/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Sima 司馬 Family of Henei-jun 河北郡 (present day Jiaozuo, Henan Province), which formed the imperial lines of the Eastern and Western Jin Dynasties, sought refuge in northern China after its Dynasties fell and distinguished itself as a high ranking member of the Northern Wei Dynasty's bureaucracy. However, the northern aristocrats of Han ethnic descent did not trust refugees from the south, forcing them to live in isolated communities on the periphery of the capital and refusing to intermarry with them or allow the burial of their dead in their homeland. The Simas did take advantage of their imperial heritage to gain appointments to southern border regions, where they could settle their former subjects fleeing the Southern Dynasties; but when the Northern Wei unified northern China in 439, the Simas were shifted to areas on the northern border far from their homeland. Part of the Sima Family's fame stemmed from many leaders of the rebellions staged throughout China at that time assuming the name Sima, resulting in the name having great impact on all classes of society in both the north and south. It was only during the reign of Northern Wei Emperor Xiaowen孝文 (515-528) that rebellions allegedly lead by the Simas went out of style. It was as this same time that the Simas were finally able to construct a. family gravesite in their homeland of Henei-jun. The appointment of Simas in the bureaucracy were no longer limited to the regional administration of the Northern Wei's southern and northern borders, but now spread to all areas throughout the empire, including the grant of an official place of residence there. Intermarriage, which up until that time had been limited to the Northern Wei imperial family and local ethnic peoples, came to include the northern Han aristocratic families. The many marriages that had been arranged with the Yuan imperial family ensured close relations with the Dynasty, even after the Simas' returned to Henei. In other words, the bridging of the alienation that had existed between refugees from the Southern Dynasties and Northern Dynasties Han aristocrats had to wait for the reforms carried out during Xiaowen's reign. It was at that time that the Simas were able to regain their homeland, extend their influence and authority there, as well a begin marrying into northern Han families. The author of this article concludes that during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, entry into aristocratic society through marriage could not be achieved without a family being able to maintain power and authority in one's homeland.
  • 野本 白雲
    智山学報
    1934年 1934 巻 5 号 258-274
    発行日: 1934/04/21
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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