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  • ―バークレー闘争を例に―
    小杉 亮子
    社会学年報
    2012年 41 巻 67-77
    発行日: 2012/07/14
    公開日: 2014/03/26
    ジャーナル フリー
     大学生を中心に若者による社会運動が多発した1960年代後半に対し,近年,社会的関心が高まっている.本稿は,今後,1960年代後半の
    日本の学生運動
    を検討する際の視座を導出するため,1964年にアメリカ・カリフォルニア大学バークレー校で起きたバークレー闘争の形成要因について,先行研究のレビューを通じて整理した.バークレー闘争の形成要因としてとくに重要なのは公民権運動である.公民権運動は当初のイシューを提供し,さらに公民権運動活動家だった学生を通じて,座り込みなどの公民権運動特有の戦略・戦術が導入されることになった.また,一般の学生たちが闘争に参加した動機には公民権運動への支持に加え,合衆国憲法が保障する政治的権利の学内での実現と「政治活動と言論の自由が守られる場」という大学像の追求とがあった.ただし,合衆国憲法に基づく権利保障の要求は,アメリカ社会における法と権利の重要性を活用した公民権運動の発想の延長線上にあった.この発想を基盤に学生の権利と学生生活へとイシューを展開させたことで,キャンパスの広範な学生を巻き込んだ運動が実現された.このようなバークレー闘争の形成要因は,1960年代
    日本の学生運動
    についても,若者の逸脱や風俗現象として捉えるのではなく,同時代の社会のあり方,とくに同時代の社会運動との関わりのなかから学生運動が形成された具体的過程を分析する重要性を示している.
  • 石田 剛
    社会学評論
    1970年 20 巻 3 号 85-99,123
    発行日: 1970/01/30
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recent student movement toward which many countries devise a countermove in spheres of politics, education, labor market, etc., has many different characteristics from the ones of, for example, the labor movement and the past student movement. They are aggressiveness, massiveness, daily activeness, behaviorism, co-movement with laborers and political leaders, out-campus movement and surrealistic ideology.
    The author discusses in the paper the ways how to analyze the movement from sociological point of view. A structure of the movement is one of objects of the analysis in this context. Participants, affiliated organization, places, motives, the way to mobilize the movement, objects, countermeasures and growing and declining processes are, among others, items to be analyzed in the movement.
    A classification of the literatures on the movement suggests that the past research had been done, firstly, at a historical perspective where ideological influences and its continuity in the movement were main concerns, secondly, at an organizational perspective where size of the organization, the relation between the organization and the movement, goal, integration and non-adaptive function of the organization -and the relation between the leader and followers of the organization were discussed, thirdly, at an ideological perspective where you can see that the movement in Japan could not stand with one and only one ideology. The fourth perspective is a study of the participants. Ascribed as well as achieved characteristics of those who participate in the movement fall in this category. If we agree that participants and leaders are different in their characteristics, we have to set up the fifth perspective as a study of leaders.
  • 文化的アプローチによる事例分析から
    小杉 亮子
    社会学研究
    2015年 96 巻 165-191
    発行日: 2015/07/10
    公開日: 2022/01/21
    ジャーナル フリー

     本稿は、戦後日本社会運動史の重要な契機である一九六〇年代学生運動の特徴と意義について、社会運動研究の文化的アプローチに基づき、参加者による運動への意味づけから考察を行なった。一九六八年から一九六九年にかけて東京大学で発生した東大闘争を事例に、参加者への聞き取り調査や一次資料に基づいて分析を行なった結果、次のことが明らかになった。第一に、一九六〇年代学生運動では、新左翼諸党派と〈ノンセクト・ラジカル〉、さらにはそれらと敵対する日本民主青年同盟という、三層の参加者が存在した。第二に、三層の参加者たちは学生運動にたいする意味づけが異なり、とくに運動の目的と運動組織にかんする志向性を大きく異にしていた。一九六〇年代学生運動は、この三者の混在から生じた多元性と、さらには三者間の相克による複雑な動態に特徴づけられていた。第三に、一九六〇年代学生運動の多元性の背景には、一九五〇年代後半以降に起きた、社会主義革命を目指し政治党派として大衆運動を指導する学生運動に、学生が個人として学生固有の問題に取り組む学生運動が加わるという、学生運動の質的変容があった。

  • 中島 浩籌
    社会臨床雑誌
    2018年 26 巻 1 号 81-88
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/07/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長澤 寛道
    比較内分泌学
    2014年 40 巻 152 号 91-93
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2014/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――生活史聞き取りと予示的政治をめぐって
    小杉 亮子
    社会学研究
    2020年 104 巻 233-237
    発行日: 2020/02/21
    公開日: 2021/09/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―CIE 会見録の分析から―
    田中 智子
    日本の教育史学
    2022年 65 巻 61-74
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー

     Through an analysis of CIE Conference Reports, this study examines how the occupying forces viewed and acted toward student self-government associations at Japan’s universities and the potential impact of these views and actions.

     Concerning the university’s views on student self-government and student self-government associations, CIE officials considered the associations as training grounds for democracy. Further, it encouraged both faculty and student self-government representatives to cooperate amicably in student self-government activities. However, these activities were limited to matters concerning the students themselves and did not allow student representatives to participate in the university’s internal administration, as some university student self-government associations had called for at the time. CIE Conference Reports indicate that CIE officials were concerned that student demands for participation in the school administration went too far.

     In 1948, as nationwide student movements became more frequent and student self-government associations strengthened their relationship with the Japanese Communist Party, meetings between CIE officials and student self-government representatives temporarily ceased. However, from 1949 onward, meetings were predominantly held with the newly established, and/or anti-Zengakuren (“All-Japan Federation of Student Self-Government Associations”) student self-government associations and coalition organizations. In these meetings, CIE officials clearly expressed a sense of urgency regarding the communization of student self-government associations and sought to advice and support student self-government organizations that attempted to counter this trend.

     It is quite possible that the views and actions of the occupying forces as described above influenced the formation and early activities of student self-government associations at Japan’s universities.

  • [記載なし]
    宗教と社会
    2001年 7 巻 243-265
    発行日: 2001/06/17
    公開日: 2017/07/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西山 豊
    大阪経大論集
    2024年 75 巻 2 号 159-167
    発行日: 2024/07/15
    公開日: 2024/08/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ライフ・ヒストリーからの一考察
    倉石 一郎
    ソシオロジ
    1996年 41 巻 1 号 51-67,133
    発行日: 1996/05/31
    公開日: 2016/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
     Post-war Japanese society has been characterized by the "myth" that only one ethnic group (Japanese) constitutes this society. But of course, as the result of Japanese colonialization of Korea, many Korean residents live in Japan. The myth produces, on the side of Koreans, the "Japanese-vs-Korean shema" which legitimizes the exclusion and discrimination.
     This paper focused on the contribution of the formation of so-called (Korean-in-Japan Identity) to the social resistance and social change. As the resources of the insight, the author used two oral life-histories and analyzed both of two intensively. The framework of analysis was borrowed by E. H. Erikson's identity theory which relates youth crisis with social change. The author focused on how each Korean faced the youth crisis and by what kind of commitment to the ideological forces they tried to solve the crisis.
     The analysis suggested the limits and potentials of solution mechanisms (ideological forces) which were developed in Korean community. On the one hand, as was seen in "CHO-SOREN", typical ideological force produces coherent ethnic identity but provides only "total" (Erikson) solution. Thus, it cannot help the integration of experiences and also cannot provide historical perspective. More importantly, it often internalizes the "myth" and is confined by and fixes the "Japanese-vs-Korean shema". So it cannot resist to the dominant Japanese ideology. On the other hand, new and more flexible resistance was seen in a woman's life-histories which shows the possibility to transcend the dominant "Japanese-vs-Korean shema". She impressively talked about her refusion of the endogamy ideology of Korean community, her commitments to some enclave-based activities, and her resistance to the foreigner management policies of Japanese government.
  • 富永 京子
    年報社会学論集
    2020年 2020 巻 33 号 85-96
    発行日: 2020/07/31
    公開日: 2021/08/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study investigates how Japanese youth lost interest in politics after the 1970s. Previous research in youth studies showed great interest in and conducted research into youth culture after the 1970s. The author aims to demonstrate how the youth lost interest in politics through articles by editors and readers of the magazine Bikkuri House, published between 1975 and 1985. From the collected data, the author found that editors and readers mentioned political issues, but that youth interest changed after the 1980s. The youth supported or criticized political actors such as political parties and social movements in the 1970s. However, they came to caricaturize political actors after the 1980s because editors regarded some political topics as things of the past and expressed little interest in politics. This paper concludes that youth culture after the 1970s did not lose interest in politics, but that that interest was based on ridicule and a caricaturized view of politics.

  • オイシックスドット大地の挑戦
    藤田 和芳
    フードシステム研究
    2018年 25 巻 3 号 106-114
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田中 智子
    日本の教育史学
    2006年 49 巻 97-109
    発行日: 2006/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    After World War II, university student councils were shaped by the policies of the Japanese government and the Allied Occupation, namely school democratization. However, in many cases, this process was not a smooth one ; many student councils went through a repeated process of division, collapse, and reorganization. DOGAKUKAI of Kyoto (Imperial) University, of central importance to student councils throughout the country, was no exception. What, then, underlay this cycle of division, collapse, and reorganization? This paper will consider the following two points : 1. Problems inherent in the conversion of pre-war gakuyukai, friendship organizations, to student councils. 2. Changing views on university autonomy. This paper, based on these two points, describes the reform of Kyoto (Imperial) University's DOGAKUKAI immediately after the war. This paper also seeks to clarify the cause of confrontation between DOGAKUKAI and other student organizations in the period of growth of student movements. The following conclusions are made in this paper regarding the post-WWII problems of DOGAKUKAI organization. Prior to the war, DOGAKUKAI's relations with school clubs were traditionally strong. Because of this, relations with the faculty's student council were weak after World War II. Also, DOGAKUKAI was greatly influenced by the university president and the professors. These factors prevented DOGAKUKAI from being an organization representative of the entire student body. Regarding the changes in views on university autonomy, in prewar days this referred to the autonomy of the faculty council. DOGAKUKAI seems to have held on to this view of autonomy. However, there were many among postwar students who criticized this outdated view of university autonomy. From this, confrontation occurred between DOGAKUKAI and other student organizations. The university student council took form out of this conflict.
  • ――一九六八〜一九六九年東大闘争から考える――
    小杉 亮子
    社会学研究
    2020年 104 巻 37-61
    発行日: 2020/02/21
    公開日: 2021/09/24
    ジャーナル フリー

     本稿の目的は、世界的な社会運動の時代としての〝一九六八〟をめぐる議論のなかで運動の脱政治化が起きていることを指摘し、脱政治化を回避しうる社会運動論の方向性を探究することにある。日本の〝一九六八〟にかんする議論では、新しい社会運動論が硬直的な社会運動史観として定着したことによる運動の政治的次元の縮減と、マクロな社会構造から個別の社会運動を論じるという、新しい社会運動論の性格に由来する運動の脱政治化が生じていた。そこで本稿では、〝一九六八〟の社会運動を脱政治化させずに、社会運動が敵手とのあいだにつくりだす敵対性と、そうした敵対性を創出する運動参加者の主体性を十分に描き出すひとつの方法論として、生活史聞き取りを提示する。具体的には、生活史聞き取りにもとづく〝一九六八〟分析の一例として、一九六八〜一九六九年東大闘争の分析を示す。東大闘争では、一九六〇年代の社会運動セクターの変動を受け、望ましい学生運動のありかたをめぐって、政治的志向性を異にする学生のあいだで敵対性がつくりだされた。学生たちは社会主義運動の可能性と限界をめぐって厳しく対立し、その対立は予示的政治と戦略的政治という運動原理が対立する形をとった。

  • 塩谷 治彦
    現代社会学研究
    1995年 8 巻 60-83
    発行日: 1995/04/15
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    この論文は、今日の暴走族や不良生徒集団など青少年の非行や逸脱行動を社会病理学的に理解しようとする試みである。エリクソンの自己同一性に関する発達理論は、青年期の非行や逸脱行動を理解するための枠組みとして貢献してきたが、それは概ね発達心理学的アプローチであって、非行を社会病理学的に理解しようとするものではなかった。そこで本論では諸価値の凋落による価値の主観化、またそれに伴う競争社会化という視点を青少年の病理を解明するために導入した。そして今日の大人になりたがらない青少年の心理の背景に世界の脱価値化に伴う競争社会の浸透という事態があることを示した。暴走族などの非行を理解するため、同一性危機や青年期危機による非行という概念が提示されてきたが、これらの理論は概ね非行を発達上の危機の現れと見ているため、青少年の病理の社会学的要因を十分に解明していない。現代的な非行現象には世界の非価値化と競争社会状況に対する反感が認められるのであり、それが彼らを暴走族や不良集団などへの参加と逸脱にかりたてる重要な動機であることを示した。
  • 出口 雅敏
    生活学論叢
    2008年 13 巻 44-58
    発行日: 2008/09/30
    公開日: 2021/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The street protest action that crowded and was called "Sound demonstration (Sound Demo)" by young people during for several years came to be shown in the city in Japanese various places. The marcher dances the road, it walks, and this is a demonstration of the track where the sound speaker and machine parts for DJ were piled up to the head though this is a sink because of a large sound as for the dance music. This thesis pays attention to this sound demonstration that appeared in a Japanese society in recent years, and examines it as "Festival" or "Urban Festival". The sound demonstration starts sending the political expression in a festivity dimension. However, because it violates and disturbs the boundary of the festival and the demonstration, the police overreaction might be invited, and the boundary of the festival and the demonstration be made visible. However, intentional use of the festivity also gives birth also to the strategy that opposes the enclosure of such a festivity. That is, it is concluded that "Festivity as the strategy" is a device thought out to make the situation advantageous by reading the combat rule of demonstration that rules the scene of the action directly in a different way in this thesis.
  • 上原 専祿, 尾高 朝雄
    法社会学
    1953年 1953 巻 3 号 24-49
    発行日: 1953/01/15
    公開日: 2009/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
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