In order to clear the transition of design style, we have studied on the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures in The Nguen Dynasty at Hue. The conclusion of this paper is as follows. : 1. To clarify the production age of the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures, we have cleared the creation age and detailed repair of 34 wooden architectures in existence by the document and hearing. 2. We have classified the Duoi Keo design of wooden architectures to four types, A type is “両渦文型”, B type is “龍頭吐水唐草文型”, C type is “小龍頭渦唐草文型“, D type is “渦唐草文型”. 3. The transition of the Duoi Keo design is as follows. A-type →B-type →C-type and D-type. 4. We have presumed the new construction age of the wooden architectures in existence, that is that Dien Tho Ninh was built in 1820, the upstairs of Ngo Mon was built in 1921-23, and Hung Mieu was built in the middle of 19 century.

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 Through the chaotic time under the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the confusion of the Vietnam War, the systematized techniques including the name of each components of the Imperial Palaces and culture has lost.
 This research is done basing upon the materials prior to the fall of Nguyen, the historical documents granted by the Emperor, and the glossary gathered through the interviewing the traditional carpenters.
 The aim of this paper is to grasp the changes and adaptions of the architectural term by comparing the name of chinese character with the name of vietnamese-specific language.

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The Vietnamese seem to have had a tendency to symbolize their king and kingdom as a mountain. Kings of the Former Le (980-1009) and the Ly (1010-1225) dynasties built bamboo Nam So'n(Mountain of the South, namely of Vietnam) on their birthdays to annually revitalize their kingdom as well as themselves. And some mountains assumed the protector of the kingship and the superviser of Sino-Vietnamese moral principles. The god of Mt. Dong Co (Thanh Hoa) joined the future Ly Thai Tong in his expedition into Champa. Thai Tong also could repress rebellious princes on the advice of this god. He and his mandarins swore loyalty and filial piety annually before the god's shrine. Mt. Dong Co, however, is not near Hanoi but is situated, as is suggested in the chronicle, in the rugged terrain of the southern fringe of the Red River delta, on the line of demarcation between the delta and the less consolidated southern provinces. The Ngu Hanh So'n(Mountains of Five Elements) or Montagnes de Marbre of Quang Nam. Central Vietnam, were believed to be the protectors of the Nguyen kingdom. And this agregate of rocks is not near the capital but is in the liminal region around Da Nang, a port frequented by Europeans. According to P. Poivre, it was believed that an enemy who could capture this Protector would become master of the kingdom. And in the middle of the eighteenth century, when Poivre came into contact with this belief, Vietnam seems to have been 'en proie. . . a une crise religieuse, a une veritable fievre prophetique' (L. Cadiere) . Bonzes claimed that Heaven's anger had begun to explode because people had abandoned the cult of traditional gods and the teachings of Confucius to worship the God of the Europeans whose aim was the usurpation of the kingdom. Though it is difficult to clarify the relationship between these prophecies and the belief in the Mountains Ngu Hanh, it is important to note that it was the emperor Minh Mang, a hard-liner against western influence, who revived the old beliefs fervently and prohibited Europeans from going on an excursion from Da Nang to the Protector-Mountain. My hypothesis is that during the long history of the Vietnamese southward movement there might have existed similar masses resistantes in the frontiers, that the Protector-Mountain belief might have contributed to the maintenance of the Sino-Vietnamese cultural tradition and to the Vietnamese indefatigable southward movement, and that such mountains might have sometimes become the symbolic nuclei of the Vietnamese 'nationalism' or nativism against foreign threats or invasions. The Protector-Mountain theme was fully elaborated by the Bti'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng (Radiant Mountain Unearthly Fragrance) sect in the last frontier, western Mekong delta. This sect emerged from the peasants who were exposed, in the reign of Thieu Tri (1841-47) , to the loss of Cambodia, a Vietnamese protecorate under the emperors Gia Long and Minh Mang, and to the Siamese invasions. The Bu'u So'n Ky Hu'o'ng believed that the Ideal King would appear from the Seven Mountains (That So'n or Bay Nui) of Chau Doc province. Some sources suggest that the Ideal King might have been an idealization of the late, the strongest emperor Minh Mang. The eschatology seems to have been widely diffused among the southerners after the establishement of French colonialism and the Seven Mountains region afforded the most important base for southern activists.

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Nineteenth century Vietnam saw a great expansion in the circulation of silver as a means of exchange under the rule of the Nguyen Dynasty. The aim of this article is to discuss the structural aspects of silver circulation and the relationship among the various types of silver currency which circulated concurrently during the time in question. From the reign of emperor Gia Long, the Nguyen Dynasty adopted proactive policies toward silver circulation, which included the minting of silver ingots, which began in 1803, and promoting the payment of taxes in silver. On the silver ingots, which were called Trung Binh Ngan 中平銀 or Quan Ngan 官銀, the term tinh Ngan 精銀 (pure silver) was inscribed ; and among the other various kinds of silver currency, these official silver ingots were regarded as the standard of value. The many local silver currencies, called Tho Ngan 土銀, which circulated alongside these official silver ingots were of great importance and were used mainly in the mountain region of northern Vietnam, where many silver mines were located. In this area, the Nguyen dynasty set the exchange rate between the Tinh Ngan and Tho Ngan and permitted local people to pay their poll taxes in the latter, instead of the official currency. In addition to Tho Ngan, foreign silver coins called Duong Ngan 洋銀 were also important, and included 1 dollar silver coins brought by European merchants beginning in the 17^<th> century and the Carolus peso minted in Mexico. The Nguyen dynasty permitted foreign merchants to pay certain kinds of tax with their silver coins, and due to their influence decided to mint its own silver coins, called Phi Long Ngan Tien 飛龍銀銭.

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 Through this paper, three phase of the official length and foot ruler in the Nguyễn Dynasty is clarified; the first phase is the succession to the ‘mộc xích’ since Trần Dynasty period. the second phase is the authorization by borrowing the Mesures of rice paddy and clothes from the Ming and Qing Dynasty of China. the third phase is the subordination to the foreign policy and colonial rule by France as the adoption of metric system. And furthermore, it is clarified that the three official foot ruler and one religious foot ruler have the proportional relation to each other.

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The structural performance of traditional timber buildings in Vietnam have not been studied thoroughly, although there have been many studies from the viewpoint of architectural planning or architectural history. In order to investigate the structural performance of these buildings, two kinds of experiments have been carried out on a full scale frame model. The experiments ware a vertical loading test and a horizontal loading test. Material tests have been also performed on specimen of timbers prior to evaluation the results of the experiments.

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1. 開発は,特にデルタ生成の方向や,低湿な地形などの制約を受けながら進展している特色を認めることができる.
2. 道路は主幹道路を中心に発達し,デルタ先端部では,デルタ発達による砂丘列の地形に順応して発展したもので,小河川の流向や集落分布からも判断される.自然堤防型地域では,道路や集落は河川の方向にそって発達し,比較的集落密度も高い地域となっている.土砂推移型地域では,道路は東北から西南方向に発達し,水陸交通の要衝ともなっている.したがって集落密度も高い.後背湿地型地域では,軍用目的から造られた水路の有効な利用と,それに沿った道路の直線的形態で集落も同型である.メアンダー型地域では,交通はもっとも複雑困難視され,集落密度も稀薄である.橋梁は大都市周辺の小河川などには存在するが,メコン本流その他大河川は,ほとんどフェリーボートによる.
3. デルタの生成方向・交道路線の密度や形態(自然型や人工型)・人ロ密度・集落密度・土地利用・行政区分などから考えて,同じデルタ上でも,中心地域の文化景観とフロンチャー地域の自然景観に分類でき,その克服や影響を認めることができる.

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In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Vietnamese dynasties attempted to extend their reach to Vietnam’s northern uplands—one of the most important regions in the integration of the state. This study examines local governance in the northern uplands during the early Nguyễn period, through an analysis of official documents—particularly the report submitted by the governor-general of the northern provinces (tổng trấn Bắc Thành) in the tenth month of the tenth year of Gia Long (1811). During the eighteenth century, the Lê Dynasty (r. 1428–1527, 1533–1789) depended on local chieftains to administer tax collection and military service in each commune of the northern uplands. After occupying northern Vietnam, the Nguyễn Dynasty found it difficult to gather information on the local chieftains in the northern uplands. It was unable to allocate sufficient resources and manpower to gather this information. In addition, regional officials (such as the governor-general of the northern provinces) did not provide this information to the Nguyễn court, and only some local chieftains cooperated with the Nguyễn Dynasty. Until 1810, the number of chieftains who took on the responsibility of tax collection, drafting soldiers in each commune, and gathering information on the northern uplands—thus cooperating with the Nguyễn Dynasty’s local system of governance—was smaller than the number during the Lê Dynasty. In 1810 the Nguyễn court compiled a list of local chieftains in the northern uplands; this list included the chieftains’ names, the communes where they were registered, and the communes where they collected taxes and drafted soldiers. This indicates that the Nguyễn court attempted to govern the upland provinces by consolidating information on the chieftains. However, it was still difficult for the Nguyễn court to gain full information on the local chieftains since the governor-general of the northern provinces and provincial officials appointed them without reporting to the court. This continued until the Minh Mạng emperor’s (r. 1820–41) well-known reforms, including abolishing the post of governor-general of the northern provinces and the hereditary status of local chieftains. Thus, through examining the transitioning local governance in the northern uplands, this study clarifies the Nguyễn Dynasty’s difficulty in integrating the state during its early years.

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This paper refers to the conservation study on the ‘Can Chanh Dien’ main palace at the ‘Can Thanh Cung’ court located in the Forbidden city of the Nguyen dynasty. The ‘Can Chanh Dien’ was constructed in 1804 as a main working hall for the successive emperors and their cabinets during the Nguyen period (1802-1945), which was destroyed by the fire in 1947 under the Indochina War (1945-1954). Based on the site investigation, the references from the historical documents and the black and white photos, the present status and transformation of its remained foundation has concretely clarified in this paper.

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