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  • 朴 一
    アジア研究
    2023年 69 巻 1 号 85-92
    発行日: 2023/01/31
    公開日: 2023/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 姜 誠
    学術の動向
    2011年 16 巻 1 号 1_64-1_67
    発行日: 2011/01/01
    公開日: 2011/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 礒﨑 敦仁
    アジア研究
    2010年 56 巻 3 号 63-64
    発行日: 2010/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 韓 載香
    歴史と経済
    2009年 52 巻 1 号 1-18
    発行日: 2009/10/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the process through which credit unions were founded by the Korean-Japanese minority, placing particular emphasis on the political and economic conditions that prescribed and enabled their establishment within the historical setting of the North-South conflict. Organized activity by Korean-Japanese political organizations such as Choren, the Federation of Korean-Japanese People, was instrumental in creating the first credit union in the period of reconstruction after World War II. In the ambiguous situation arising while the legal status of the Korean-Japanese was yet to be defined and the establishment of credit unions was not yet certain, organized action by the Korean-Japanese was an important driving force behind joint establishment of credit unions for the elimination of discrimination. However, while the effect of political divisions did not appear immediately, the north-south conflict gradually penetrated the credit union, resulting in the purge of those with differing political opinions. To service those Korean-Japanese who were excluded from the first, a second credit union, the Shogin, was ultimately established by the business community associated with South Korea. Thus, political and economic factors were compounded in the background of this nationwide rollout of the two credit unions. The establishment process of Shogin was not necessarily smooth. One problem was the lack of knowledge regarding financial institutions in the South Korean-Japanese community; another was that despite the will to establish the Shogin, there were not the financial resources to do so. A further problem was that the financial authorities regarded all Korean-Japanese customers as South Korean citizens, which for legal reasons resulted in the lengthy delay in its establishment. In such conditions, the establishment of Shogin was ultimately accomplished with support from ethnic-political institutions such as Mindan, the Federation of Korean-Japanese People, and financing from the South Korean government, which committed to the establishment of the credit union as political conflict with the north sharpened. In the end many small credit unions emerged prefecture by prefecture since they were prescribed for political as well as economic reasons. These credit unions had limited operational scope as financial institutions from the beginning, due to their funding scale. Future growth thus relied on population size and the economic viability of the Korean-Japanese community in the area covered by each union.
  • 李 泳采
    国際政治
    2009年 2009 巻 156 号 156_172-175
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2011/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 栗木 千恵子
    日本オーラル・ヒストリー研究
    2013年 9 巻 186-
    発行日: 2013/09/11
    公開日: 2018/12/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河路 由佳
    日本オーラル・ヒストリー研究
    2013年 9 巻 186-
    発行日: 2013/09/11
    公開日: 2018/12/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―戦後日本の「排除型社会」への帰結の象徴として―
    韓 東賢
    教育社会学研究
    2015年 96 巻 109-129
    発行日: 2015/05/29
    公開日: 2016/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
     ヤング(Young 訳書,2007)は,欧米におけるポスト工業化社会への変化が,同化と結合を基調とする「包摂型社会」から分離と排除を基調とする「排除型社会」への移行でもあったと指摘する。一方,敗戦後,米軍の占領期を経て厳格なエスニック・ネイションとして再出発した日本では多文化主義的な社会統合政策が取られたことはなく,そのような意味での「包摂型社会」になったことはないと言えよう。にもかかわらず,日本でも1990年代から徐々に始まっていたヤングのいう意味での「排除型社会」化の進行は見られる。つまり,「包摂型社会」を中途半端にしか経由せず,そのためそこでの同化主義への処方箋である多文化主義も経由せずに,にもかかわらず「バックラッシュ」が来ている,というかたちで,だ。
     本稿ではこうした流れを,朝鮮学校の制度的位置づけ,処遇問題からあとづけていく。そこから見えてきたものは次の3 点であると言える。①仮に戦後の日本がヤングのいう意味での包摂型社会だったとしても,その基調は同化と結合ではなく,「排除/同化」――排除と同化の二者択一を迫るもの――であった。②2000年代には,このような「排除/同化」の基調を引き継ぎながら,にもかかわらず,「多文化主義へのバックラッシュ」としての排除を露骨化,先鋭化させた排除型社会になった。③そのような「排除/同化」,また2000年代以降の排除の露骨化,先鋭化において,朝鮮学校の処遇はつねにその先鞭,象徴だった。
  • 菅野 圭昭
    国語科教育
    1985年 32 巻 18-25
    発行日: 1985/03/28
    公開日: 2017/07/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 横浜市鶴見区のマルチエスニック地域の食文化
    安井 大輔
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2012年 2012 巻 B09
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2012/03/28
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    本発表はグローバルな人々の移動プロセスにおいて食の果たす役割を扱う。(1)食と結びつき、日々の食実践のなかで表出される、さまざまなイメージはどのように形成されるのか、またはどのように分裂し衝突するのか?(2)そしてどのように移民たちの個人的/集合的なアイデンティティが構築されるのか?(3)さらに集団的に構築された故郷のイメージは食実践と関連するアクターを通して、どのように表象され本質化されるのか?本発表では日本の多文化地域の移民と彼らの食を対象にこれらのテーマを論じる。
  • 山本 かほり
    西日本社会学会年報
    2022年 19.20 巻 23-33
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 朴 校煕
    全国大学国語教育学会国語科教育研究:大会研究発表要旨集
    2006年 110 巻
    発行日: 2006/05/27
    公開日: 2020/07/15
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 崔 智喜
    アジア研究
    2023年 69 巻 1 号 1-21
    発行日: 2023/01/31
    公開日: 2023/02/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2023/01/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    The 1980s was a period when North Korea’s military actions, such as the Rangoon bombing and the bombing of Korean Air Flight 858, drew focus away from Japan-North Korea relations. In terms of North Korea’s foreign policy, it is often contrasted with South Korea’s “Nordpolitik,” which was aimed at improving relations with China and the Soviet Union ahead of the 1988 Seoul Olympics.

    However, during this period, North Korea did not spare any effort to improve relations with Western countries such as Japan, the United States, or South Korea. Among them, the approach to Japan was remarkable. In 1984, North Korea re-signed a fishing agreement with Japan that had been neglected for two years. In 1985, active personnel exchanges between Japan and North Korea took place, and there were significant moves to improve relations at the political level.

    North Korea clearly expressed its intention to build political relations, including exchanges with the Liberal Democratic Party and the Japanese government, and tried to address resolvable issues. While the situation in Northeast Asia was exhibiting increasing fluidity, such as China’s reforms, opening-up policies and efforts to improve China-South Korea relations, North Korea had tried to develop not only economic but also political relations with Japan.

    On the other hand, North Korea expressed its negative attitude regarding the issue of establishing mutual trade offices, fearing that it would lead to cross-approval. It is presumed that this was largely due to concerns over the rapid development of China-South Korea relations. North Korea was reluctant to enter into a South Korea-led cross-approval initiative aimed at linking Japan-North Korea relations with China-South Korea relations, but tried hard to advance bilateral relations by increasing contacts with Japan’s government.

    It is no exaggeration to say that North Korea, which had been closely watching South Korea expand its exchanges with socialist countries such as China and the Soviet Union, was trying its own “Southern Policy”. North Korea’s efforts to build relations with the Japanese government and the Liberal Democratic Party in response to South Korea’s improved relations with communist countries such as China in the mid-1980s were maintained amid changes in the strategic environment caused by easing U.S.-Soviet tensions. It led to Kanemaru’s visit to North Korea in 1990 and negotiations to normalize diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea in 1991.

  • 佐野 通夫
    アジア教育
    2014年 8 巻 15-27
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2023/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 市川 速水
    学術の動向
    2011年 16 巻 1 号 1_68-1_70
    発行日: 2011/01/01
    公開日: 2011/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 黒坂 真
    比較経済研究
    2013年 50 巻 1 号 1_71-1_75
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2013/04/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―北朝鮮帰国事業における総連と北朝鮮ロビーの役割を中心として―
    松浦 正伸
    国際政治
    2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_80-187_96
    発行日: 2017/03/25
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー

    How do we apply history in politics? The purpose of this paper is to analyze how recognition in civil society, such as perception of history, plays a role in public opinion and parliamentary government. To clarify this research question, incorporating a political concept into the analysis, this paper focused on roles of the General Association of Korean Residents (Chongryon) and the North Korean Lobby and looked into the backgrounds in the repatriation massively expanded between 1959 and 1961.

    Before repatriation movements started, changes of organization structures were observed in the Chongryon and they began to speak in favor of North Korea. Simultaneously, the nature of the Niccho-Kyokai (日朝協会), which had been taking a politically neutral position, also began to change. They began to be a lobbying group in order to support the North Korean foreign diplomacy against Japan.

    Applying a concept of “Pseudo Environment” defined by Walter Lippmann as a subjective, biased, and abridged mental image of the world, this section reflected on influences of the two key players over North Korean residents in Japan and Japanese public opinion. The analysis found a social trend with regards to repatriation issues being manipulated by a correlation of three components in the Pseudo Environment: (1) unified perception of history, (2) motherland-oriented nationalism, and (3) economic rationality.

    Based on a data-mining method, the influences of the Pseudo Environment in the Diet were analyzed. The penetration of such an environment into civil society assisted the Diet members with the repatriation project being recognized ethically and humanitarianly. Therefore, intentions of the North Korean strategies against South Korea were insufficiently discussed.

    The Pseudo Environment lost its effect as (1) demand of mobilization was weakened, (2) activities were diversified among the North Korean Lobby, and (3) information about North Korea was brought by returnees, and gaps were gradually closed between the Pseudo Environment and reality.

    As a result of the Pseudo Environment effectively created by the two players among the North Korean residents in Japan and in the Japanese public opinion, one-sided recognition of North Korean strategies influenced civil society and parliamentary government to bring the mass repatriation out. This analysis also concludes that a nation is capable of controlling a social trend in other countries via intermediaries from outside of its country taking advantage of certain recognition. When we see international relations in East Asia, perception of history is an ongoing issue and has been more complex. This indicates that more case studies will be expected on how history has been utilized in politics.

  • いわゆる情報誌・紙を中心に
    朴 賢珠
    新地理
    2000年 48 巻 3 号 28-42
    発行日: 2000/12/25
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study principally analyzes and makes clear various media for communication, after World War II, among the Korean old-comers who came to live in Japan in prewar time, and also new-comers who especially increased since the late 1980s. The media among the old-comers and the new-comers show different contents and characteristics respectively. In this paper, the former is analyzed by four periods and the latter by a comparison of information magazines and others.
    The old-comers began forming their media for communication right after the war that ended in 1945. Until about 1960, the media were dispatched along the two ideologically different lines in the world politics, one with the background of South Korea and the other of North Korea. Since there were no formal diplomatic relations between Korean Peninsula and Japan at that time, those media functioned as interactive connection lines. In the 1960s, the second and the third Korean generations born and bred in Japan began to participate in the Korean media formation. Although a sizable amount of ideological discrepancy still remained, concerns such as national or ethnic identity, international relations, educational problems of the second and the third generations, and others began to be discussed more. In the 1970s and the 1980s, Korean societies became major concerns in relation with Japanese society. Younger generations were adapted in Japanese society in general, and the Korean media were met with a new phase. In the 1990s, concerns on Korean societies in Japan have been strengthened further.
    In the 1990s, information magazines have been published one by one by the new-comers, and as of 1997 there were seven such magazines. Increase of the number of the new-comers was a factor. Managers of the information magazines, who are also the new-comers, find the need of information exchange in Korean language with expectation to further enterprises. Contents of the magazines have gradually changed and now the new-comers themselves are tended to be a major focus of interest. In this respect, it may be said that the Korean new-comers show a tendency of adaptation to Japanese society. The information magazines try to dispatch different articles in a keen competion, but this kind of differences does not play much influence on the readers, since about a half of the pages is devoted to advertisement. Advertisements vary a great deal and this will indicate that the Korean new-comers can live well without the knowledge of Japanese language. These information magazines are thought to contribute much to the networking among the Koreans.
    Location of the publishers differ between the old-comers and new-comers. For the old-comers, most of the publishers are located in central Tokyo such as Bunkyo-ku, Shinjuku-ku and Minatoku and a few in Osaka, but for the new-comers, Shinjuku is the center of location. Most of the magazines for the old-comers are published in Japanese and tend to be specialized, but the latter case is characterized by information about living in Japan through Korean language.
  • 日本における定住外国人と国家への参画をめぐって
    鄭 暎恵
    法社会学
    1999年 1999 巻 51 号 22-32,294
    発行日: 1999/03/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are people who criticize the modern system of nation-states since it is out of to uch with reality in the time of globalization. The majority of those people are Japan-born Korean citizens who are descendants of migrants from the former Japanese colony but have no Japanese nationality.
    By asking to have voting rights for foreigners in municipal elections they are calling the notion of nation-states into question.
    (1) definition of nationals:
    Who should be regarded and included as nationals? Who should have rights and obligations in the nation-state?
    (2) the principle that sovereignty resides in the nationals:
    When nationals prevent foreign residents from having egual rights to theirs, nationality doesn't mean human rights but only privileges. Who can give it sufficient reason in the time of globalization?
    In this paper I look back on the history of argument about social contract which foreign residents have made with Japan since the Japanese colonial era. I also compare it with Korean's another movement to refuse obtaining voting rights not to be ruled by Japanese nationalism.
    Now many Japanese nationals think that foreign residents should be allowed to gain equal rights since they pay as much taxes as nationals. Japanese nationals also regard foreign residents as their companions after long living together. They realized that they had collaborative negotiation for long time already.
    Through this argument I analyze the historical meaning of rights in Japan.
  • 李 洪章
    社会学評論
    2010年 61 巻 2 号 168-185
    発行日: 2010/09/30
    公開日: 2012/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は,朝鮮籍を有する若い世代の在日朝鮮人の語りから,彼らのナショナル・アイデンティティについて考察し,さらには彼らが政治的/社会的に不利な状況を打破するために打ち立てる生存と連携のための戦略のあり方を明らかにするものである。
    朝鮮籍者は,在日朝鮮人の法的地位が変遷していくなかで,一貫して管理対象として取り扱われ,「無国籍者」あるいは「北朝鮮国民」として一方的に規定されてきた.ただし,こうした管理体制のもとで,朝鮮籍者が一貫して受動的な生を営んでいるわけではない.朝鮮籍者はみずからが維持している朝鮮籍を,あらゆる眼差しを受けながら解釈しなおし,朝鮮籍に積極的な意味づけを行おうとする.また,こうした実践は,つねに日本人/日本籍者/「ダブル」など,異なる他者との日常的なコミュニケーションのなかで行われる.それゆえ,朝鮮籍問題をめぐる連帯構築に向けた模索からは,日常生活に根ざした「権力性を伴わない開かれた連帯」の可能性をうかがい知ることができる.
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