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  • 舛本 直文
    体育・スポーツ哲学研究
    2010年 32 巻 1 号 1-11
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2012/12/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to the view point of the peaceful philosophy of Olympism, it is one of the very important tasks to examine how the peace movements were developed on the occasion of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, especially in relation to the global torch relay and the UN Olympic Truce Resolution. The purpose of this study is to clarify the validity and problems of these peace movements of the 2008 Beijing Games.
    1. The Olympic Truce Resolution by the General Assembly of United Nations was approved as usual, and the appeal for the observance of this resolution was proclaimed by the Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon on the occasion of the 2008 Beijing Games. Nevertheless, the resolution was not observed again, because of the outbreak of the Georgia conflict on the day of the opening ceremony, the on-going Iraqi war, and so on.
    2. The global torch relay of the Beijing Games could not play an important role as the messenger for the transmission of the world peace, because it met route changes and the restriction on the torch viewers in some cities, mostly due to conflicts between the anti-Chinese movement and the advocates of free Tibetans against the sacred fire defense runners supplied by the Chinese Government.
    3. The International Olympic Truce Center had the artistic exhibition, “From Ancient Olympia to Beijing: Greek and Chinese artists discuss truce, fair play, war and peace” at the Hellenic House in central Beijing, and placed the signature board for the approval of the Olympic Truce at the Olympic Village as the joint peace movement of the IOC and BOCOG.
    4. As to the peace appeal at the Opening Ceremony of the Beijing Games, several activities took place including: the Olympic Truce appeal by the secretary-general of the UN, Ban Kimoon was mentioned, doves were symbolically released, the appearance of children's smiles of the whole world were broadcast, and so on. Though these performances were well known in recent opening ceremonies, they were overshadowed by the impressive performances of the historical and pictorial aspects of Chinese culture at the Opening Ceremony.
    5. As for actual international politics, the resolution of the “Olympic Truce” was not observed again, and the outbreak of the Georgia conflict, continuous Iraqi war, the war in Afghanistan, and the trouble in Tibet and Uighur still remained. The IOC could not operate any strategies to address these international problems, and the UN only appealed to countries to keep the observance of the Olympic Truce resolution.
    In order to develop these peace movements effectively according to the lofty peace ideal, a more advanced strategy would be needed by the critical organizations including the IOC and the UN. It would be probably necessary that the peace movement be formally linked with Olympism and be recognized more deeply. To help accomplish this, activities to publicize the peace movement and Olympic Education should be supported by the mass media. Especially, expecting the effective execution of the Olympic Truce, it would be necessary for the IOC to adapt more strict decisions so that it would be able to bar from the Olympic Village those countries and districts which would not observe the resolution, or even to refuse those NOCs to participate in the next Olympic Games. Nevertheless, this last suggestion is actually a very big issue to consider since, for example, the IOC would currently have to reject the USA which is one of the countries at the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. It will be a very important task for the IOC, UN and the peace movement organization to be able to enhance their influence in this 21st century.
  • 高澤 洋志
    年報政治学
    2015年 66 巻 2 号 2_257-2_278
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2018/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿の目的は, 近年, 国際政治の重要な主題となっている 「保護する責任 (R2P)」 概念およびセキュリタイゼーションの議論を手掛かりに,政治的時間の諸相を明らかにすることである。R2P概念は2001年に有識者委員会によって提唱されたが, 国連での受容が進む過程でその内容が大きく修正され, 現在, 国連事務総長報告書 (2009年) における概念規定が国際的な共通理解となっている。本稿は, セキュリタイゼーションの理論的視座から2001年および2009年のR2P概念を比較することで, 「時間」 と権力および政治の関係, すなわち時間・権力・政治のトリアーデを考察する。この考察から明らかになるのは, R2P概念の変遷とともに, 同概念の基盤となっていた時間・権力・政治の関係が, 「政治的時間の構造化による権力の制御」 から 「政治的時間の脱構造化による権力の伸張」 に転換したということである。最後に, 本稿の明らかにした政治的時間の諸相が現在の政治状況にいかなる示唆を有するのか, 簡単に触れる。

  • 見原 礼子
    日本教育政策学会年報
    2009年 16 巻 219-225
    発行日: 2009/07/07
    公開日: 2017/11/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 赤堀 聡之
    森林科学
    2008年 52 巻 28-32
    発行日: 2008/02/01
    公開日: 2017/07/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー
  • 藤本 武
    文化人類学
    2010年 75 巻 3 号 347-370
    発行日: 2010/12/31
    公開日: 2017/06/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    近年アフリカにおける小規模な紛争について環境変化による希少な資源をめぐる争いとする議論がある。牧畜民と農耕民の間の紛争では放牧地を確保しようとする前者と農地を拡大しようとする後者の土地をめぐる争いとされる。本論はエチオピア西南部の牧畜民と農耕民の間で発生してきた紛争事例について検討を行った。この地域では低地に暮らす牧畜民間の紛争が変動する環境下での資源確保や民族形成との関連で考察されてきた。ところが牧畜民の一部は1970年代から近隣の山地に暮らす農耕民を襲い、遠方の農耕民にまで対象を拡大してウシなどの財を略奪してきた。本論の分析から、紛争の背景には19世紀末にしかれた牧畜民と農耕民に対する国家の異なる統治策、国家支配のエージェントである入植者の私的関与、20世紀前半に主として農耕民になされた奴隷狩り、そして近年の自動小銃の流入など、外部からの地域への関与の問題が無視できないことが明らかとなった。じつは、他のアフリカの牧畜民と農耕民の紛争でも、紛争当事者間の土地などの資源をめぐる争いの背景に、国家や国際機関などによる開発政策が結果として争いを激化させていたり、過去の奴隷制が集団間の関係に影響をおよぼしているなど、資源紛争の構図におさまらない同様の問題が認められた。小規模な紛争を対象に、その個別具体的な相を掘りさげて分析する人類学の紛争研究は、今日常套句的になされがちな紛争説明に対して発言していくべきであるとともに、紛争後も長期に関わることで地域の紛争予防にむけた動きを支援するなど、独自の貢献を果たしていくことが求められる。
  • 坂井 一成
    日本EU学会年報
    2010年 2010 巻 30 号 132-154
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2012/04/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper analyses EU's contribution in order to stabilize the Middle East particularly from the point of view of preventive diplomacy. Preventive diplomacy has been recognized since the 1990s especially in the United Nations in a broad sense and in a long-term context including not only the prevention of conflict but also conflict resolution and peace building; this framework will be suitable for the EU's case towards the Middle East.
    Though there is no consistent EU's Middle East policy (this paper refers mainly to the East Mediterranean region), policy frameworks exist separately through the bilateral and multilateral forms of the “Conflict Prevention Model,” as well as through the “Conflict Resolution Model.” The 2003 European Security Strategy represents the response towards the conflict resolution stage of the Israel-Palestine conflict, where efforts towards conflict resolution and post-conflict stabilization are concentrated on the civic fields. Short-term aims of avoiding violent conflict as well as long-term plans of injecting concepts of democracy, protection of human rights and the rule of law are done through multilateral dialogue and cooperation frameworks such as the 1995 Barcelona Process and the 2008 Union for the Mediterranean, as well as through bilateral framework such as the 2004 European Neighbourhood Policy. The pluralistic and multi-layered outcomes of these policy frameworks, which aim for the construction of a societal structure that prevents the build up of conflict in the Middle Eastern region, has contributed to the promotion of long-term preventive diplomacy.
    The processes that exert influence in the Middle East through these frameworks are thus given: the compulsory pathway, the enabling pathway, the institutionalizing pathway, the connective pathway and the constructive pathway. Although the pathway process taken differs with each policy framework, these processes have pluralistic functions which have given way to distinct accomplishments in preventive diplomacy.
    Nevertheless, challenges still remain, as it is imperative to coordinate between policy frameworks as well as to secure and improve the trust with Middle East actors including Israel.
  • 特定非営利活動法人 日本水フォーラム
    水利科学
    2009年 53 巻 3 号 1-17
    発行日: 2009/08/01
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ジュディ アンリ=ピエール, 北垣 徹, 鳥羽 美鈴
    日仏社会学会年報
    2012年 21 巻 5-22
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 亀山 康子, 蟹江 憲史
    環境科学会誌
    2008年 21 巻 3 号 175-185
    発行日: 2008/05/30
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
     気候変動対処を目的とした京都議定書には,先進国等の2008年から2012年までの温室効果ガス排出量に対して排出抑制目標が規定されているが,その後の対策(次期枠組み)に関しては今後の交渉に委ねられている。十分な気候変動緩和のためには次期枠組みにおける途上国の実質的参加が不可欠だが,途上国は現在交渉開始に消極的である。その理由として,対策が経済的発展を阻害すると認識されていることに加えて,前向きに交渉するために必要な政策立案能力が不足している点がアジア諸国に見受けられる。今後アジア諸国が政策立案能力を高め,気候変動対策の長所を最大限に生かせるような交渉ポジションを自律的に形成することを目指し,その第一歩としてアジア諸国の次期枠組みに関する国内制度設計や議論を調査した。 6力国での調査結果を比較し,結果として以下の3点が挙げられた。(1)国内の次期枠組みに関する議論は,国の経済水準が高い一部の国でのみ進展しており,その他の国では次期枠組みの議論はまったく始まっておらず現行枠組みの実施段階にあった。(2)現行枠組みの実施に関しては,1国を除くすべての国で省横断的な組織が設立されていた。また,複数の国ではその組織の参加者として政府関係者のみならず研究者や環境NGOも認められており,非政府組織が政策立案に影響を及ぼしうる場として機能していることが分かった。(3)次期枠組みに関する議論が各国内で始まった場合に予想される各国のポジションは多様であった。このような多様なニーズにきめ細かく対応するためには,気候変動枠組条約および京都議定書といった従来型の多国間条約のみならず,地域協力や二国間協力等を含めた幅広い枠組みに発展させていく必要があることが指摘できた。
  • 長谷川 公一
    学術の動向
    2016年 21 巻 12 号 12_40-12_47
    発行日: 2016/12/01
    公開日: 2017/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 政所 大輔
    国際政治
    2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_131-187_146
    発行日: 2017/03/25
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an emerging norm regarding the national and international protection of populations from genocide and mass atrocities. After the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty proposed the principle of R2P in 2001, the idea was unanimously adopted by member states of the United Nations (UN) at the General Assembly in 2005 and 2009, and also used by the Security Council as a rationale for international action in Libya in 2011. The fact of this normative development is a puzzle, because the R2P potentially represents a challenge to state sovereignty for both developing and developed countries, and also because existing literature argues that norms are less likely to be created in the issue area of sovereignty and security. Nevertheless, it is important to ask why the R2P norm has been increasingly accepted by UN member states.

    Researchers who have attempted to answer this question tend to describe its chronological and historical process, but do not clarify or identify actors, factors and mechanisms which have promoted the norm diffusion of R2P. In addition, constructivist scholars who have been engaged in explaining norm diffusion processes pay attention to the role of norm entrepreneurs who persuade actors to accept their newly advocated norms by changing actors’ preferences. However, based on such explanations, it is difficult to understand the case of R2P norm diffusion, since the agreement of R2P in 2005 was achieved while there was a group of member states who were suspicious of or strongly opposed to the norm, including the United States. The purpose of this article is thus to elucidate the political process in which the R2P norm has diffused by analyzing why and how UN member states unanimously agreed upon R2P in 2005 and 2009.

    The article concludes that mechanisms of persuasion and negotiation among UN member states functioned successfully in gaining a consensus and promoting norm diffusion of R2P. In the early stage of norm diffusion, agreement is likely to be achieved through negotiation in order to accommodate various preferences of member states and seek mutual concessions. The agreement on R2P in 2005 through such negotiation was then a reference point by which norm entrepreneurs successfully persuaded member states to accept the R2P norm. Through persuasion by such entrepreneurs as the UN Secretary-General, his special adviser and NGOs, many states which were skeptical of R2P in 2005 changed their discourse in its favor. As a result, member states by consensus adopted the General Assembly resolution on R2P in 2009. This shows that norm entrepreneurs succeeded in stimulating the norm diffusion by persuading member states to change their preferences on R2P.

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