Over the past few decades, a considerable number of studies have been made on the people living around the Omo river in Southwest Ethiopia. However the study of the Banna ethnic group, which lives in the woodland area of the east bank of the Omo, has not been attempted since Ad. Jensen conducted his 40 day research in the 1950s.
In this article, I consider some aspects of the relations between the Banna and the Ari through analysis of the oral histories of the bitas, the chiefs of the Banna.
The Banna has two chief-lineages, each of which has its own territory: the West, which is divided into three sub-chief (kogo-bita) territories, and the East, divided into five.
According to the histories, two Banna chief-lineages seemed to have origins from those of the Ari, a northern neighbouring ethnic group, and both belong to the Gata clan. Banna society is organized into “moieties”, called Binnas and Galabu, and each moiety consists of several clans. On the one hand, the Gata is a representative clan of Binnas from which chiefs come and is one of Banna's largest clans. On the other hand, the Gasi, another large clan, is thought to be at the core of the Galabu moiety. As a result, the Binnas moiety is recognized as the chiefs' moiety, and the Galabu moiety can be thought of as a descendant of proto-Banna or people originating from various sources.
When analysing lineage histories that say the bitas immigrated from the Ani to the Banna, we should not ignore details which emphasizes many traits of Ari origin. For example, the founder of the chiefs' lineages, interestingly named Wuloa both in the West and East, brought coffee, iron goods, and pots. All of these items are regarded by Banna people as being Ari technologies. Wuloa of East Banna demanded sheep, not goat, as a sacrifice animal when performing rituals. For the Banna people, sacrificing sheep is an Ari style ritual, contrary to their use of goats.
This coincides with the interesting point that people of the Galabu moiety say that the Binnas is of Ari descent, and that only Galabu are pure Banna.
In conclusion, I should point out (1) we can understand chiefs' histories as identity-shift stories from Ari to Banna, (2) we can understand the Binnas-Galabu “dualism” as a structure between the chief-related clan group and non-related clan group, and (3) we can find a kind of indigenous typology in their narratives classifying some attributes to the Banna, and others to the Ari.

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近年, 日本において遠距離介護という現象が社会問題として浮上してきた。老親介護を扱った日本の家族研究は同居親子の事例が多く, 遠距離介護のような親と離れて暮らす子供による老親介護を扱った研究は少ない。これは先行研究において, 親子の居住形態に家族行動を規定する規範を読み込む傾向があったからだと考えられる。一方で近年の研究は, 「ジェンダー」といった親子の居住形態と結びつく家族規範以外の要素を重視している。
本稿では「長男」あるいは「長男の嫁」が携わっている遠距離介護に注目し, その当事者へのインタビューから, 遠距離介護という親子の関わりにおいても, 同居や近居と結びつく家族規範が現われることを指摘する。遠距離介護者は, 時に親との同居や近居という選択に傾くこともある。しかしながら本稿では, 彼らが家族規範との言説的な交渉を通じて, 親と離れて暮らすという葛藤と折り合いをつけていく, その軌跡を明らかにする。

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Farmers in the tropical rain forest of Africa are mainly involved in shifting cultivation activities that are criticized as a principal cause of deforestation. However, such criticisms are narrated on the basis of forest protection, rather than understanding the ecological role of what they are actually doing. This study aims to clarify the shifting cultivation system of the Bangandou farmers who live in the tropical rain forest of southeastern Cameroon with special reference to their plantain cultivation.

The Bangandou grow several crops for subsistence and cacao as a cash crop. They also depend on foraging, hunting and fishing to get animal protein and to enrich their diet. Their agricultural land use is characterized by three kinds of fields: fields of starch crops, including plantain, cassava, maize and cocoyam, opened in secondary forest near villages; cacao fields in virgin forest close to rivers; and groundnut-maize fields on sandy riverside land.

The main staple food of the Bangandou is plantain, which they are able to harvest throughout the year by staggering the time of planting and using several varieties with different growth periods. This plantain-based system is maintained by the periodical use of the secondary forest dominated by the quick-growing Musanga cecropioides R. Br., in which weeding is practiced for about one year after clearing and then abandoned thereafter. Plantain keeps growing and fruiting even in such bush-like “fallow fields,” and people can therefore continue harvesting plantains from several fields opened in different years.

The Bangandou have thus managed to achieve the stable production of plantain and the sustainable use of the secondary forest in such a way that the fallow starts during the harvest period of plantain, which assists the quick regeneration of the forest.

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現代世界の構成単位である国民国家内部の政治空間は均一ではない。国家という大きな政体（polity）の内部に、統治と法の支配が十分には及んでいない空間が存在することがある。こうした空間の住民がある程度の独自の統治と法の支配を実践している場合、それを小政体（small polity）と呼ぶ。犯罪者集団や武装集団に支配されている地域はその例である。人類学が伝統的に研究対象としてきた王国と首長国も小政体である。本論の目的は、こうした小政体に人類学的主題として光を当てることにある。それは、国家と社会との関係や、国家自体を再考する新たな政治人類学の視座を提供するものと考えられる。

本論で具体的に論じる小政体は、南スーダンの南東部に存在する、「モニョミジ・クラスター（monyomiji cluster）」と呼ばれる、10数ほどの民族集団の社会に見られる、人口数千から数万人規模の小政体だ。これらの小政体は、政治制度として首長制（あるいは王制）と階梯式年齢組組織の両方を有する、二元的および分節的な構造をもっている。本論で注目するのは、小政体は国家に抵抗すると同時に、国家を模倣しているという側面である。そのさい、19世紀半ば以降の諸国家の暴力的で収奪的な特性が重要である。アフリカ社会に関する従来の研究では、植民地国家や脱植民地国家、および資本主義のシステムに対する抵抗の側面が強調されてきた。抵抗だけでなく模倣の側面に注目することにより、より動態的で今日的な小政体のあり方を把握することが可能になる。

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