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クエリ検索: "田尻稲次郎"
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  • 寺中 啓一郎, 大野 克也
    土木史研究
    1998年 18 巻 595-602
    発行日: 1998/05/01
    公開日: 2010/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    第1次大戦によりもたらされた好景気の夢、いまだ覚めやらぬ時期に、子爵・
    田尻稲次郎
    東京市長は東京市技師田村与吉に東京築港計画の作成を命じた。これによって作られた築港計画は、1919 (大正8) 年11月に市長に提出された田村参考案といわれる東京築港計面で総工費1億円であった。超尻市長は、この計画案をもとに関係機関と合議のうえ、田村参考案より規模の大きい総工費3億5千万円の築港基礎案なるものを1920 (大正9) 年、東京築港調査委員会で可決した。本文は、この大規模築港計画案成立 (基礎案) の経緯、社会背景等について論述する。
  • 細菌學雜誌
    1918年 1918 巻 272 号 339-340
    発行日: 1918/05/20
    公開日: 2009/07/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 英学史研究
    1980年 1981 巻 13 号 162-166
    発行日: 1980年
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大槻 忠史
    経済学史研究
    2020年 61 巻 2 号 96-97
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/02/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 林 倫子, 尾崎 茉央, 加藤 直子
    土木学会論文集
    2024年 80 巻 9 号 論文ID: 23-00289
    発行日: 2024年
    公開日: 2024/09/20
    ジャーナル 認証あり

     滋賀県犬上郡豊郷町にある龍ケ池揚水機場・砂山池揚水機場は,明治末頃から現在まで稼働を続けてきた地下水揚水機場である.本研究では,各種資料の記述をもとに,両揚水機場の土木遺産としての技術的価値について考察した.龍ケ池揚水機場の設計過程や井戸の構造の特徴を初めて明らかにした結果,両揚水機場が地下水確保の不確実性を克服して建設された初めての農業用地下水揚水機場であり,その池の構造は後に広く滋賀県内に普及した「石積造水源井」のオリジナルであると考察でき,両施設は土木遺産として高い技術的価値を有すると評価した.

  • 井上 琢智
    経済学史学会年報
    2002年 42 巻 42 号 137-138
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 遠藤 佐々喜
    社会経済史学
    1935年 5 巻 4 号 499-502
    発行日: 1935/07/15
    公開日: 2017/09/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 矢嶋 仁吉
    地理学評論
    1944年 20 巻 6 号 373-377
    発行日: 1944/08/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池田 哲郎
    英学史研究
    1971年 1971 巻 3 号 94-124
    発行日: 1971/06/01
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 手塚 竜麿
    日本英学史研究会研究報告
    1968年 1968 巻 97 号 3-8
    発行日: 1968/06/08
    公開日: 2010/11/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -「社会政策的税制」の再検討-
    村松 怜
    歴史と経済
    2019年 61 巻 2 号 35-51
    発行日: 2019/01/30
    公開日: 2021/01/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article studies the Ministry of Finance’s philosophy on income taxes in Meiji and Taisho Japan. The contribution of this article is twofold. First, it reexamines “tax reform as social policy” in Taisho Japan. Second, it reveals aspects of the Ministry’s taxation philosophy that lasted until the postwar period. Previous research on Taisho‒era tax reforms has focused on the relationship between the tax reforms and “social policy.” The tax reform of 1920, considered a major example of “tax reform as social policy,” has received particular attention: its inclusion of dividends in taxable income in particular is attributed to the taxation and social policy theories of the Japan Association for Social Policy Studies.

    In contrast with the previous studies, this work reveals other factors leading to the 1920 tax reform by following MOF discussions of income tax going back to the Meiji period. First, the general principle of taxing dividend income did not arise out of a “social policy” context but was consistent with the income tax system envisioned by the MOF since Meiji. The MOF consistently supported a general income tax levied on aggregate income as well as differentiation of the income tax such that earned income would be taxed more lightly than unearned (capital) income. Second, for the MOF, the emergence of the “social policy” debate simply represented a “good opportunity” to bring about the general taxation of dividend income. The chief of the MOF’s National Tax Section of the Tax Bureau, KATSU Masanori, who played an important role in the 1920 income tax reform, regarded general taxation of dividend income as essential for a fair tax system. He took advantage of the “social policy” debate to propose the income tax reform. In the 1930s the MOF proposed the so‒called Baba Tax Reform Plan, which attempted a comprehensive general income taxation. The Tax Bureau, moreover, regarded the comprehensive system of income tax recommended by the Shoup Mission during the postwar US occupation of Japan as the “ideal” tax system. MOF consistently embraced this tax philosophy from Meiji into the postwar period.

  • 容 應萸
    アジア研究
    2016年 62 巻 2 号 37-60
    発行日: 2016/04/30
    公開日: 2016/05/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    Some Americans such as Samuel Robbins Brown, Birdsey G. Northrop, and John Hopkins Twichell in late 19th century New England had early contacts with both Chinese and Japanese students. These discoveries led the author to consider the necessity of further pursuing study into (1) the activities of missionaries and intellectuals who had contacts with both Japanese and Chinese students aspiring to learn from the west, and (2) the contacts and relationships between Japanese and Chinese overseas students.
    This paper firstly clarifies the background and footsteps regarding relationships between Americans and Japanese/Chinese overseas students, then examines whether Japanese and Chinese students themselves built up interactions and friendships through their network of American acquaintances, schools and local communities, and finally makes comparisons from family backgrounds to careers of 21 Japanese and 21 Chinese students studying at Yale University in the period 1870–1887.
    The students of these two countries were studied because their similar experiences as overseas students may provide important insights to why Japan and China took different paths in their modernization, a topic the author has had continuous academic interest in. This paper also intends, as the first step in a comparative study of modernization processes in Japan and China, to find out whether Japanese and Chinese students studying at Yale University in the same period set off from similar starting points.
    In conclusion, the ground was set for communication between Japanese and Chinese students in second-half 19th century New England, but deeper interaction and solidarity did not seem to have grown between them. Moreover, although China fell far behind Japan in modernization, both countries had overseas students who had the same western training under the same environment at the start.
  • *星野 高徳
    廃棄物資源循環学会研究発表会講演集
    2011年 22 巻 A10-2
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/11/07
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    東京市では、1910年代後半以降、近世来の都市-農村間の屎尿流通網が崩壊し、屎尿問題が深刻化した。そのため、東京市は屎尿処理を市営化することにより、問題の解決を図ったのである。しかし、従来の研究では、東京市の屎尿処理市営化は、既存の民間業者による農村還元処分法に依存したものであったことから、伝染病問題の温床となる後進的な政策として捉えられ、屎尿の需要地であった近郊農村との関係から市営化の意義が再検討されることはなかった。そこで本稿では、1910年代から30年代における東京市の屎尿処理政策に焦点を当て、東京市当局が近郊農村における屎尿に対する潜在的な需要をいかに掘り起こし、屎尿流通網の再形成を図ったのかを検討する。
  • 小笠原 広樹
    都市計画論文集
    1976年 11 巻 283-288
    発行日: 1976/10/25
    公開日: 2020/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菊池 勇夫
    日本學士院紀要
    1967年 25 巻 3 号 141-151
    発行日: 1967年
    公開日: 2007/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 波形 昭一
    土地制度史学
    1972年 15 巻 1 号 54-67
    発行日: 1972/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小野 武夫
    社会経済史学
    1944年 13 巻 11-12 号 1073-1088
    発行日: 1944/03/15
    公開日: 2017/09/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 向“作为日常学的民俗学”进发
    岩本 通弥, 施 尧
    日常と文化
    2021年 9 巻 137-154
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/03/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 杉原 四郎
    経済学史学会年報
    2000年 38 巻 38 号 28-36
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2010/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In his pioneering synthesis, published in 1962, on the Japanese political economists of the Tokugawa (1603-1868) and the Meiji (1868-1912) periods, Eijiro Honjo outlined the development of the study of the history of Japanese economic thought in evolutionary stages. Starting from its beginning in the Meiji, he argued that a foundation was laid for the study of the Tokugawa economic thought in the Taisho (1912-1925) period, while the Meiji economic thought began to become a serious subject of study in the early Showa period, and prewar socialist and Marxist thoughts after the Second World War. Thus the field exhibited a steady expansion in terms of the scope of the subject, the number of scholars and the number of works published. However, Honjo also commented that such a development was dwarfed by the publication of a much larger number of works on the history of Western economic thought, because Japanese universities offered research and teaching posts for the latter, but seldom for the former.
    This was indeed the case at least up to the 1960s. The History of Economic Thought Society of Japan started in 1950 with 123 members, but the total number of papers presented at the Society's biannual meetings on Japanese history during the first five years was as little as seven. Central themes chosen in these meetings usually related to the history of classical political economy and Marxian economics. Almost no attempts had been made to take up a theme centring on Japan. Some members, including myself, did express concern about this state of affairs. Thus, after returning from the study in Europe in 1957-58, I tried to arouse interest in the subject by starting a newsletter for the Kansai branch of the Society in 1959. In 1966-69 a number of researchers, led by Tsuneo Hori, joined the government-funded project on the study of the history of Japanese modernisation since the Meiji, which greatly helped promote the field.
    At its 42nd meeting in November 1978, the Society chose the history of modern Japanese economic thought as a central theme for the first time. The three papers presented in the session discussed the thought and activities of Yukichi Fukuzawa, Shiro Shiba and the Japan Society of Social Policy, respectively, and another three papers on the Tokugawa economic thought were presented in the subsequent individual sessions of this meeting. Reflecting the growth of the number of people seriously interested in the field, this meeting signified the Society's open acknowledgement of the central importance of the study of the Japanese experience for the discipline as a whole. Since then the Society has organised three major publications, each marking the steady development of the field; Nihon no Keizaigaku (The Political Economy in Japan) (1984), Keizaigakushi: Kadai to Tenbo (The History of the Political Economy: Its Missions and Prospects) (1992) and Economic Thought and Modernisation in Japan (1998). Furthermore, the Society's 63rd meeting in November 1999 showed a high standard of scholarship, making the future of the field appear promising. Four excellent papers were presented by the younger generation of scholars, with new source material and perspectives. I could not help recalling Honjo's lecture delivered 60 years ago at Kyoto University, in which he lamented the poor interest in the subject within the discipline. We have come quite a long way.
  • 廣田 誠
    社会経済史学
    2006年 71 巻 5 号 523-543
    発行日: 2006/01/25
    公開日: 2017/06/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    During World War I, the price of daily necessities rose dramatically in Japan, causing city residents to face many difficulties. Officials in each city established a municipal retail market to ease the burden on citizens and began selling foodstuffs at reasonable prices. However, the municipal retail market in the city of Tokyo (which was the capital and most populated city) was not sufficiently developed. This paper discusses the reasons why the municipal retail market was not sufficiently developed in Tokyo prior to World War II; specifically, (1) the absence of a mayor and resistance of the city council members delayed the establishment of the municipal retail market, (2) shopkeepers strongly opposed the municipal retail market, and (3) the system to operate the municipal retail market was in disarray because of regular interference in municipal administrative affairs by the city council members.
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