The U.S. military base is under construction in Ukawa area in Kyotango city, Kyoto prefecture. In February 2013, the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the U.S. President Barack Obama agreed to install an X-band radar in Ukawa area in order to strengthen missile defense system. After this announcement, the plan was unveiled that both governments planed not only installation of the military radar but also constructing new military base there. Residents of Kyoto prefecture including community members of Ukawa area raised many questions and showed their fear such as accidents and incidents by the U.S. soldiers, impact of an electromagnetic wave from the radar, and destruction of beautiful environment and scenery. However, after the negotiation between Japanese government and local governments, in September 2013, a governor of Kyoto prefecture and a mayor of Kyotango city officially announced to accept this plan. Then, construction work started in May of 2014. the U.S. military officially began to be stationed in Kyotango city from October 2014consisted of about 20 soldiers and 70 security workers and technical experts dispatched by private companies to support the military.

This article aims to analyze the dynamic process of militarization in Ukawa area. According to an important work of Cynthia Enloe, militarization is operated through various actions and decisions including appropriation of concepts, nonmilitary activities, and relationship among people. The militarization of Ukawa area was operated (1) prioritizing and strengthening the framework of national security, (2) practices to limit persons/subjects involved in the problem and weaken the autonomy of the local community, (3) changing community space under the control of military power. Therefore, the militarization of Ukawa area works through not only physical construction of military base but also various nonmilitary and non-political phenomenon.

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　本稿では、

と民主主義との関係を論じている。主に民主主義の研究者の議論に焦点を絞り、彼らがの役割をどう見ていたのかを明らかにしていく。

　一節では、民主化研究の古典を検討しながら、その中で

という行為者の民主化に果たす役割が重視されていなかったことを論じる。二節では、政治学と社会学の分業化の中で、民主主義研究と研究の分離が生じたことに触れた後、一九九〇年代以降、モダニティの構造変容とそれに伴う政治の再定義の状況の中、二つの研究領域の再統合が進んでいることを見ていく。

　三、四節では、一九九〇年代以降の民主主義論者の中でもっとも意識的に

を位置づけてきた一人であるアイリス・マリオン・ヤングのテキストを取り上げる。彼女は、が公式の政治制度の外側に政治参加の場を提供すると同時に、その場において政治的コミュニケーションの手段を多様化して熟議的な民主主義の実現に寄与するという形で、の役割を位置づけていた。

　五節では、

内部の民主主義と熟議システム論という、このテーマに関する最新の研究動向を概観しながら、と民主主義というテーマの今後を展望する。

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In Japanese geographical studies, there were few perspectives to political process except for election studies. Especially studies of social movements have been disregarded from geographers. But political geographers in Anglophone countries tried to analyze for social movements as well as other political problems in 1990's. This study aimed at clarification to studies of social movements by geographers. Those discussions are mainly from sociological studies. In addition to this point, foreign geographical studies influenced to Japanese geographers on the debate of urban social movements and new social movements. At the first, sociological studies are objects in the discussion of social movement. In 1960's two-renewal concepts, which are the theory of new social movements and the resource mobilization theory were introduced. The reason why the new type of social movements arise is the old type of social movements, socialism or labor movement, had transited in renewal style because of the industrialization process and so on. Research points also changed. Thus a new wave of the theory of social movements that born in European and American countries introduced to Japanese sociology. Secondary, new urban sociology was begun by Castells (1977). He applied Marxist urban theory to urban question in Paris. This approach applied to other social movements and urban sociologists used its study method. The theory of urban social movements appeared on the discussion. Gradually sociological debates on social movement came to Japanese sociologist and foreign geographers. Thirdly the relation of social movements studies and geographers is examined. Radical geography is the first impression of social movements to them. Takeuchi (1980) mentioned that Bunge coped with community movement in his style and Harvey challenged Marxist approach to urban inequality. These studies are viewed the political attitudes of geographer at that time. As to Japanese geographer produced some social movement study, too. Next happening occurred in 1990's. Some Political geographers structured a geographical viewpoint to social movements. Smith (1994) dealt with social movements in the textbook of human geography. 0nly one paragraph was given on it. However Painter (1995) used one chapter for social movements study. He explained the theory of social movement and the appliance to experiential studies in geography. Agnew (1997) reviewed geographical studies on social movements. He gathered election studies with political movements and anti-military movement with social movements. Then case studies were showed by Routledge (1993) and Miller (2000). They take social movements with a geogaphical approach. It can be pointed out that those studies are influenced by the sociological theory of social movements. Geographical concepts were applied for actual social movements. That study has originality in geographical works. Lately Japanese geographers tried to study on the politics of place as same as social movements. They are environment, gender, modernization, urbanization, and pollution problems. Social movement studies are just getting to place on Japanese geographical society. It is expected that theoretical and practical study on social movements will develop.

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The concept of “post-materialistic” values has been, either positively or negatively, adopted by scholars who study “new social movements”. Undoubtedly, this implies that the concept has become an essential vehicle to analyze the sense of values and attitude in new social movements. The primary object of this paper is to summarize how this concept, as a conceptual instrument, has made a great impact on the process of analyzing social movements and “new politics”. But I disagree to apply the concept, as Ingelhart's definition remainds intact, to comprehend the meaning of new social movements. In this paper I wish to propose the new interpretation of “post-materialistic” value while removing a nagative influence of the Haslovian linear theory on Ingelhart's concept.

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　一九六八年と二〇一八年の五〇年間の

の変化と連続性をどのように捉えるべきだろうか。韓国と台湾の場合には、独裁体制から民主化運動へ、複数回の政権交代へ、近年の脱原発政策への転換の動きなど、きわめてダイナミックな変化が見られる。アメリカ・フランス・ドイツなどでも、一九六八年前後の学生運動は、その後の政治のあり様に大きな政治的影響力を持っている。
　しかし日本の場合には、社会変革的な目標達成を志向するタイプの運動は、政治的機会構造の閉鎖性やの資源動員力の〈弱さ〉、フレーミングの難しさなどに規定されて、政治的目標達成に成功しえた事例に乏しい。政権交代も少なく、しかも政権交代にあたってのはたした役割は非常に小さい。出身者の政治リーダーも乏しい。
　日本の研究は、このような現実を直視し、いかに克服すべきかを社会学的に提示していく必要がある。

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本稿の課題は,日本の労働組合運動の新たな動きをアメリカのユニオニズムと比較し,日本におけるユニオニズムの可能性について論ずることである。まず,アメリカのユニオニズムのモデルを示す。それを現在の日本の労働運動と比較し,日本の労働運動のどこにユニオニズムの可能性があるのかを議論する。「年越し派遣村」や「反貧困ネットワーク」は,労働運動との結節点としての「場」になっていること,草の根のユニオンは労働相談を出発点にネットワークを形成し,派遣切りにあった労働者の深刻な現実に向き合うなかで,派遣村に合流していること,連合は地域労働運動の強化と非正規労働問題への取り組みを進めながら,地域のやNPOなどとの連携を模索し,「全国ユニオン」の要請を受けて派遣村に参加したこと,これらの運動に今後,ユニオニズムとして発展していく可能性があることを論じる。

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