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  • 初田 香成, 村上 しほり, 石榑 督和
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 733 号 805-815
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper aims to describe the nationwide formation and spread of Yami-ichi (black market) after World War II and government's involvements in their processes. Then it tries to regard yami-ichi as a kind of universal activity of city more than extraordinary experiences through the grasp of nationwide cases and trace the various process of developments. We have overviewed the nationwide municipal histories of 100 cities which had a population of more than 45,000 people out of 210 municipalized cities in 1940 for this purpose.
     The existence of Yami-ichi can be identified at least 99 of 100 cities. Firstly, Yami-ichi existed at almost all of the cities with more than 45,000 people. They were very various in the point of name, location in the city and those organizers, and their spatial form could be marshaled as three-step model in chronological order. The time lags of the emergences of nationwide Yami-ichi shows the possibility of the indirect propagation more than natural generation in each cities. Though the famous cases of big cities have tended to be covered in previous study, this paper could trace the nationwide and various cases. Also though the violent cases around the terminal station in Tokyo have tended to be covered, this paper could trace familiar and common cases in every 23 wards including the suburbs.
     Secondly, various types of involvements made by GHQ and governments were clarified. They got involved with all of the process such as not only crackdown but also installation for their selves from the birth to death of Yami-ichi, and their types and level of involvements were very various.
     We are going to advance the research about the characteristic cases which were shown in this study in the future. Also expanding the survey to the cities which had a population of less than 45, 000 people could be found. The formation of Yami-ichi seemed to need a certain level of population and the hinterland. So we are thinking that we can clarify the forming conditions of Yami-ichi and their critical points by finding the city where Yami-ichi couldn't form and examining the conditions of them.
  • 小林 雅一
    赤門マネジメント・レビュー
    2004年 3 巻 4 号 125-130
    発行日: 2004/04/25
    公開日: 2018/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 雅一
    赤門マネジメント・レビュー
    2004年 3 巻 1 号 1-8
    発行日: 2004/01/25
    公開日: 2018/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 初田 香成
    建築史学
    2017年 68 巻 116-128
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/07/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 村上 しほり
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 731 号 263-272
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/01/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper aims to clarify the birth and growth process of commercial clusters in Kobe city under occupation and grasp the tendency of continuance and disappearance, and the consider influence on urban structure in modern era. It had not been recognized enough until now that the actual revival situation of black-markets, markets, shopping street in Minatogawa-Shinkaichi area and Sannnomiya area.
     In this study, it was clarified that the formation dynamics of commercial clusters in Kobe, from viewpoint of organization, location, function. The initiative of street-stall keepers, repatriate organizations in Minatogawa, and resident alien organization in Sannomiya area were seen in the formation of these commercial spaces. The area damaged by WWII was led to the business district by birth black-markets and new commercial spaces, for example the around railroad underpass and station area. And there were many cases that two different objects collided between the continuation hope of the leased land contract by the person of business and reconstruction projects of local government. At first, it was intended that the barrack restaurant's main function was support of needy person. But with the improvement of economic conditions, the function shifted to one factor of the local revitalization.
     In Sannomiya and Minatogawa area, the large land where people lived in before was taken over by GHQ to build their troop housing. These suddenly orders disturbed the life rebuilding of local inhabitants, and the control to how to use of the public space was investigate many times over. The people were evicted from place of residence. But they found nearby open space and moved to there by themselves. As a result, GHQ and local inhabitants lived in space next to each other. Under the situation, there was the example which GHQ ordered removal the houses of inhabitants, because of which regard as problem hygiene, public morals, a beautiful sight.
     So the local government started war damage reconstruction projects which include negotiations for the land use made slow progress, because there were so many actors of variety in the transformation of central area, Kobe. The land readjustment project of Kobe city that began for war-damage revival continued until 1993. The redevelopment business of the Sannomiya area continued for a long time. The Sannomiya district city area remodeling project of the station west began in 1966 for the environmental improvement of the densely built wooden house areas. The Sannomiya east district redevelopment project was carried out since 1975, but in particular the project was stagnant in Asahi-dori 4 district where "Sannomiya international market" since Oct 1946 and declined. The main reason that the situation of densely built wooden house areas continued from 1946 to redevelopment projects for a long time was influence of the large-scale and complex commerce clusters that were prior to the local government's reconstruction plan.
  • 伊藤 遼佑
    日本都市計画学会関西支部研究発表会講演概要集
    2016年 14 巻 65-68
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/05/31
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
    戦後において,焼け野原となった場所に不法占拠という形で闇市が発生した.いくつかの商店街はその時の雰囲気や建物を残している.ただ,近年は再開発も進み,そのような商店街は消滅しつつある.本研究は,JR天王寺駅の北口を出てすぐのところにある阪和商店街を研究対象とし,戦後からの変遷について研究したものである.阪和商店街は闇市を起源としており,昭和の雰囲気を現代にまで残している数少ない商店街の一つである.そのような商店街がなぜ大阪の第三のターミナル駅ともいわれる天王寺駅のすぐ近くに残っているのか.その疑問を商店街の成り立ちや平面配置の計画,また,都市計画の方面から考察している.
  • 石榑 督和
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 733 号 793-803
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This study examined the formation and transformation process of the Wadagumi Market constructed facing the Shinjuku Station during the post-war reconstruction period, as well as the changes in the main constituents of the market. The study examined the urban fabric of the Wadagumi Market and its surrounding area that were reconstructed every few years from the 1930s to the 1960s. Furthermore, the changes in land ownership were examined, and by comparing both, the change in the urban fabric of the market and the land ownership, the relationship between spatial changes and land rights are discussed.
     The district examined in this study has the following three characteristics. First, the nature of the district was different in the pre-war and post-war periods. The district was lined with warehouses and theaters pre-war, but post-war it was transformed by shops lining the entire district. Second, among the markets that originated as black markets in the neighborhood of the Shinjuku Station, this district was among the earliest to have market organization carried out by land-readjustment projects for war-damage reconstruction. Third, while the Wadagumi Market was constructed by one constituent, it had three types of rights related to building use. The following were the findings of the study.
     First, the Wadagumi Market straddled three city blocks and the building use rights differed for the markets of each block, being short-term leasing, long-term leasing, and building purchase, respectively. In the land-readjustment project for war-damage reconstruction, each of these three types of market were organized and relocated on land that was offered as a substitute. One of the markets that was relocated developed into what is today Shinjuku Golden Gai.
     Second, the control of the market by Wadagumi officials continued even after the Wadagumi was dissolved in July 1947. There was repeated reorganization by the proprietors, but the Wadagumi officials continuously assumed leadership.
     Third, there was dissolution of large tracts of privately owned land. The study examined the process by which the district concerned, which was owned by one constituent in 1930, was subdivided in the post-war reconstruction process and multiple landowners came to possess the land.
  • 石榑 督和, 初田 香成
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2014年 79 巻 705 号 2589-2597
    発行日: 2014/11/30
    公開日: 2014/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    By analyzing "Shinkou Ichiba map", this paper aims to grasp the “markets” in postwar Tokyo from the viewpoint of development approach, planning and store constitution. The map drawn 138 sheets intended for Tokyo's 23 wards, recorded the “markets” of 281 places in it. The results are given follows; 1) from the development approach, the “markets” were classified into types of detached shops and planned unit development, 2) typically, the markets has a passage in the longitudinal direction of the site, and in order to take passage and arranging two or more rows the row houses is required about 5.4 meters short dimension of the site, 3) Retail store is located on the front part of the markets, housing and pub is located in the back.
  • 初田 香成
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2011年 76 巻 667 号 1729-1734
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2012/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper aims to grasp the “markets” in postwar Tokyo in diachronic perspective. The previous studies have tended to deal “markets” as extraordinary spaces only in immediate postwar years. But this paper will try to deal them as ordinary spaces by clarification of the basis of their existence. Especially, I found the censuses about the “markets” which have not been known so much, and consider the similar commercial spaces in previous or next era such as stalls, retail markets, tenant buildings. This paper will reconsider the significances of “markets” through these works and the consideration of my former paper.
  • 小林 雅一
    赤門マネジメント・レビュー
    2004年 3 巻 2 号 41-46
    発行日: 2004/02/25
    公開日: 2018/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 近藤 直樹
    イタリア学会誌
    2000年 50 巻 188-207
    発行日: 2000/10/20
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nel teatro di Eduarco i personaggi piu importani sono quasi sempre recitati da Eduardo stesso, e vengono percio definiti "personaggi eduardiani": in genere non risolvono i problemi con l'azione e no accorgendosi della realta, ne tanto meno sapendo osservaria, si perdono in chiacchiere stonate. Di conseguenza vengono alienati dagli altri, oppure spesso a loro volta utilizzano l'auto-alienazione come arma contro gli altri. Nel caso di Gennaro Jovine in Napoli milionaria! (1945) l'alienzaione e studiata attentamente e se ne possono riscontrare di due tipi: quelle delo spazio e della lingua. L'alienazione spaziale si intravede, prima di tutto, nella "cammarella" di Gennero, che e "un tramezzo costruito con materiali di fortuna che, guadagnando l'angolo, forma una specie di cameretta rettanogolare angusta". Sperimentando la difficolta della comunicazione sia con i familiari che con i clienti della moglie, Gennaro si nasconde nella cameretta, dove pero invece della porta c'e una specie di "tenda" attraveso cui liberamente puo uscire ed entrare. Ma questa liberta di muoversi, che puo far assaporare la cameretta, e che e evidentemente liberta di intervenire nei discorsi degli altri, ha il rischio di rendere ambigua la comunicazione, come infatti accade fra Gennaro d Amalia, sua moglie. Nel secondo atto, Gennaro, tornato dalla guerra, si accorge che hanno eliminato la sua cameratta quando la casa e stata restrutturata, grazie ai guadagni del mercato nero. Con cio l'alienzaione di Gennaro, da parte degli altri, diventa crudele: nessuno gli presta ascolto, quando cerca di raccontare le sue storie di prigioniero. Percio, scoraggiato, ma non potendo rifugiarsi nella cameretta, si avvia nella stanza dove dorme la figlia ammalata. Col terzo atto comincia la nuova drammaturgia eduardiana del dopo guerra. Gennaro, a differenza di Luca Cupiello che avendo scoperto l'adulterio della figlia pone fine, ammalandosi, ad ogni comunicazione sia fisica che psicologica, non fugge dall'amara realta, che ha appena capito a riguardo della sua famiglia, e rimane si seduto, quasi senza muoversi dall'inizio alla fine dell'atto, ma con gli occhi ben aperti, spalancati di fronte alla realta. Questo suo atteggiamento significa tentativo di comunicare? Il mondo eduardiano non e cosi semplice. Gennaro, a meta del terzo atto, chiede a 'O Miezo Prevete di ricostruire la sua cameretta che era il simbolo dell'isolamento e della comunicazione ambigua. La speranza per il futuro, "Ha da passa' 'a nuttata" di Gennaro, si puo realizzare solo entro i limiti di questo rifugio spaziale.
  • 下條 尚志
    東南アジア研究
    2014年 51 巻 2 号 227-266
    発行日: 2014/01/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper attempts to consider the struggle for reign between local community and state in the Mekong Delta of southern Vietnam during the controlled economy era (1976–88). It examines the influence of the communist government's socialistic reforms on the local community composed of Khmer, Chinese and Vietnamese, and how the people dealt with these reforms. In an attempt to socialize the Mekong Delta region, the government transformed local orders to a new state order, one that prioritized public interest. Local orders were cooperative relations based on private interests of individual or family subsistence and were formed in various places in the local community. The subsistence crisis provoked by the socialistic reforms drove the people to depend on local orders. People hid paddy in their houses, selling it on the black market. Some living in disputed border areas left their village, seeking refuge in Buddhist pagodas, while others escaped to Cambodia. As more and more people, including local officials, participated in local orders, the weaker the state order became. Finally, the authorities were obliged to abolish the socialistic reforms as a result of the people's boycotting.
  • 石榑 督和
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 735 号 1349-1358
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This study takes as its subject the east gate of Ikebukuro station. Having verified the prewar organization of the city and plans for the square in front of the station, the study reveals the scope of the transport evacuation spaces, the state of war damage, the formation of postwar markets, street stand organization programs, and the reorganization of markets following war-damage-recovery land readjustment programs, and accordingly the subsequent process of new market construction. Particular attention is paid to the fact that Nezuyama, a grove of mixed trees that had not been developed since before the war, was located adjacent to Ikebukuro station. The war-damage-recovery land readjustment program for the Ikebukuro station east gate progressed most rapidly even within the city; one of the background factors here was the existence of Nezuyama.
     This study revealed the following four points:
     1. The land upon which the Morita-gumi East Gate Market was built was revealed to have been a transport evacuation space from which buildings had been removed during the war. The Morita-gumi constructed the market, despite not having owned the land. This state of affairs was picked up on by the newspapers. This was backgrounded by the evacuation space having become either city-owned or city-managed land after having been either purchased or leased by the Tokyo Metropolitan Area from during the war until around 1947. At the time the Morita-gumi constructed the market, the city had held the rights to the land, and thus the Morita-gumi had obtained the cooperation of the city in building the market.
     2. It was revealed that many new landowners appeared as Nezuyama was divided into lots for sale in the process of the war-damage-recovery land readjustment program. There was a rapid increase in landowners possessing land near the station owing to land having been widely divided and sold, not only among the merchants in the markets organized by the war-damage-recovery land readjustment program.
     3. It was revealed that the above subdivision of Nezuyama for sale resulted in the construction of multiple new markets. Hikarimachi-dori and two markets created following the street stand organization programs were constructed on the replotted land that used to be Nezuyama.
     4. It was revealed that two new markets were constructed following the purchase of land that was left empty as a burned-out field after the war. These markets were Sakaemachi-dori and Mikuni-koji.
  • 金田 敏昌
    現代史研究
    2011年 57 巻 55-68
    発行日: 2011/12/27
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 雅一
    赤門マネジメント・レビュー
    2004年 3 巻 3 号 87-94
    発行日: 2004/03/25
    公開日: 2018/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 写真測量とリモートセンシング
    1979年 18 巻 3 号 2-3
    発行日: 1979/10/30
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 寳學 淳郎, 木村 吉次, 庄司 節子, 大熊 廣明, 中村 哲夫, 真田 久, 中嶋 健
    スポーツ産業学研究
    2004年 14 巻 2 号 1-13
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2010/07/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the war, the outline of the occupation policy of the Allies was instituted in promoting Japan's demilitarization and emocratization. As for physical education and sports, the sports that were regarded as ones to further democratization replaced military training and Budo, and they were promoted. It was essential for this promotion to supply sporting goods that were in great demand in those days in Japan. The purpose of this study was to clarify the measures taken by the CIE to supply sporting goods in Japan under the occupation, focusing on the activities of CIE officers regarding physical education. The process was examined through an analysis of the documents of the GHQ/SCAP. The results of this study are summarized as follows:1)The CIE officer for physical education (J.W.Norviel) worked actively on this issue. He began to conduct research and studies on sporting goods in February 1946 and drew up a supply plan for sporting goods over the next 15 months at the conference in September of that year. This plan was sufficiently systematic and concrete to guide the production of the goods of sports events to which priority should be given and to determine the amount of this production. The plan was controlled, and it provided an economic policy for that time. This plan placed goods of baseball, which has been popular among Japanese, and simple games introduced after the war, as the higher priority sporting goods.2)This plan, however, was not pursued smoothly from the beginning. The major factors found were the following : One was the critical shortage of materials, such as leather, rubber, and textile required for production of these goods in Japan at that time. In addition, these scarce materials were also wanted by other industries. Another was Japan's stagnating economic conditions after the war. Therefore, the officers (J.W.Norviel and W.J.Graham) expended their efforts in securing materials required for the production of sporting goods, by using goods the U.S.military had parted with and by studying substitute goods. They handled even the black market, which also created an important problem in supplying sporting goods. However, the delay in the import of the materials, inadequate responses to the black market, and the lack of facilities and funds of the Japanese sporting goods manufactures hindered the plan in being pursued smoothly.3) No long-term supply plans of sporting goods have been seen since 1948. It should be considered that the supply plans were developed according to conditions of scarce materials and needs for sporting products. These plans gave consideration to the traditional supply conditions of placing excessive emphasis on baseball goods and the shortage of school sports goods, and made reviews of the supply of sporting products. When domestic production was recovering in 1949, control of economic policy was eased. As for sporting goods, rationing of leather sport goods was ceased in April 1949. Although it is hard to see the movement after the abolishment of the Physical Education Bureau in July 1949, it was decided to decontrol ski implements and accessories in August and to cease the rationing of rubber sport goods in December. Therefore, the officer (W.Neufeld) seems to have accepted gradually the relaxation of control in supplying the goods, even with care about problems accompanied the end of rationing, including the bottleneck in supplying sports products to schools.
  • 石榑 督和, 青井 哲人
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2013年 78 巻 694 号 2627-2636
    発行日: 2013/12/30
    公開日: 2014/07/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper aims to grasp the reformation process of the block in front of Shinjuku east station-square during postwar recovery from the viewpoint of formation of black markets and land ownerships. In immediate postwar years, Matsujiro Nohara and Kinosuke Ozu each built black market that was both unlawful occupation at the object region. Nohara's market survived until the beginning of 1960. However Ozu's market was removed from 1948. Nohara's market and Ozu's market are different as regards to land ownerships. They were a street stall keeper. Notwithstanding, after that Ozu acquired four lot of land on the object region. The fact is worthy of note.
  • 山口 由等
    歴史と経済
    2013年 55 巻 4 号 60-61
    発行日: 2013/07/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小原 丈明
    地理科学
    2005年 60 巻 2 号 65-89
    発行日: 2005/04/28
    公開日: 2017/04/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿の目的は, 大阪市天王寺区上本町六丁目(上六)地区で行われた再開発の事例から, 都市再開発の社会的意義を考察することにある。上六地区コミュニティは, 太平洋戦争終戦直後に不法占拠という形で形成された闇市に端を発する。上六地区は戦災復興土地区画整理事業の施行区域に指定されたため, 地区住民は行政から立ち退きを迫られていた。そのため, 地区住民は立場の安定の獲得を企図して, 上六地区再開発を実施した。再開発に至る過程, 再開発の実施過程, 再開発実施後に区分し, それぞれの期間における権利関係の動向や地区住民と行政との関係の変化, あるいは地区住民の証言を分析した結果, 以下の都市再開発の社会的意義が明らかとなった。1)地区住民にとっては, 土地の権利を獲得することで立場の安定が得られ, また, 社会や行政に容認される存在となった点に意義があった。2)行政にとっては, 戦災復興区画整理の施行や不法占拠地区の清算という点で, 戦後処理が進展したことに意義があった。3)社会にとっても, 住民主導の再開発のあり方, その成功の要因が示された点に意義があった。以上から, 上六地区再開発は, 上六地区住民が自らの立場を守る目的で, 自らの手で実施した再開発であり, 地区住民のための都市再開発であったと結論づけられる。
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