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  • ―強要における過信と楽観―
    松岡 智之
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 184 号 184_117-184_131
    発行日: 2016/03/30
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    With the ending of the Cold War, the U.S. has failed in coercing far weaker states – such as Serbia,Afghanistan and Iraq – to comply with its demands, despite its overwhelming military superiority. Conventional wisdom holds that a stronger state’s superiority ensures the credibility of its threat, and that the weaker state will accept the demands because the ex-ante uncertainty of any conflict’s outcome (namely,the target’s defeat) almost does not exist. In reality, however, weaker states frequently resist stronger states’ threats, sometimes fighting hopeless wars instead of complying with their demands peacefully. This paper explores this puzzle of asymmetric compellence failure and asymmetric war.

    Commonly, asymmetric compellence failures are explained by focusing on other states’ interventions or the domestic factors which reduce or extinguish asymmetry. Alternatively, they are regarded as reassurance failures, in which commitments to future self-restraint are deemed incredible. The weaker state resists the threat to defend its reputation for resolve. In contrast, this paper argues that power asymmetry undermines the credibility of the threat itself.

    Why do such counter-intuitive phenomena occur? This paper argues that an asymmetry in relative capability necessarily implies an asymmetry in mutual threat perception. When power is symmetrical,each state’s power represents a serious threat to the other. If conflict occurs, the threat is automatically prioritized by both states. Therefore, in securing their existence (and as the vital interests of both are at stake), they will symmetrically display the maximum levels of resolve and willingness. In the instance of power asymmetry, however, the stronger state’s existence is unquestioned, with lesser conflicts not receiving priority. Contrastingly, the weaker state’s resolve will be stronger, as its existence is at stake. This asymmetry undermines the stronger state’s compellent threat, constructing it as incredible, precisely because the coercer’s resolve is in doubt.

    In instances of power symmetry, it is not a balance of resolve but capabilities that affects the conflict’s outcome – the balance of resolve remains symmetrical. Ex-ante uncertainty is chiefly concerned with the competitor’s relative capability, not resolve. However, in instances of power asymmetry, the balance of resolve is uncertain. Ex-ante uncertainty is here principally concerned with relative resolve – capability is materially objective, while resolve is psycho-subjective, and thus less measurable. This variability/flexibility and invisibility leads to mutual misperceptions, which contribute to the failure of negotiations in cases of power asymmetry.

    For example, while a stronger state’s increase in resolve – which originates from changes in its perception of the threat presented by a weaker target – may be clear to itself, this may remain unclear to the opponent. Consequently, the coercer may overestimate its own credibility (because it knows its true resolve) while the target underestimates its credibility (because it sees the coercer’s resolve as weak). These differences in credibility perception lead to asymmetric compellence failures. This logic is illustrated with reference to the 2003 Iraq War.

  • 栗原 久
    社会科教育研究
    2012年 2012 巻 115 号 132-133
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 永野 和茂
    平和研究
    2023年 60 巻 183-188
    発行日: 2023/09/07
    公開日: 2023/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西 平等
    平和研究
    2013年 41 巻 i-vii
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 野上 元
    学術の動向
    2022年 27 巻 12 号 12_42-12_45
    発行日: 2022/12/01
    公開日: 2023/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー

     戦後社会は、いわゆる「アジア・太平洋戦争」の経験を平和主義の基盤とするため、「戦争体験」や「戦争の記憶」、「戦争観」の研究を進めてきた。ただ敗戦後も人類は、「冷戦」から「新しい戦争」まで、様々な戦争を経験してきた。そしてさらに2022年2月からはウクライナ侵攻が始まり、平和や戦争をめぐる議論の前提が変わったようにみえる。こうしたとき、戦争研究にはどのような役割が期待されているだろうか。ひとつには、アジア・太平洋戦争に関する研究の蓄積を現代にアップデートさせるため、比較と歴史においてそれらを相対化することが求められている。もうひとつには、戦争の記憶や戦争観の研究を、量的・質的な社会意識の研究として継承して行くことが求められている。その際には、これまでの調査とその国際比較において際だった特徴になっている「わからない(DK)」回答の多さについて、繊細かつ慎重な分析が重要となるだろう。

  • 佐藤 丙午
    国際安全保障
    2014年 42 巻 2 号 1-14
    発行日: 2014/09/30
    公開日: 2022/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アジア・太平洋戦争とイラク戦争から考える
    中村 江里
    日本の科学者
    2016年 51 巻 8 号 18-23
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2024/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福島 涼史
    平和研究
    2013年 41 巻 127-145
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    Through this article, I aim to reevaluate the classic just war theory and defense it against major criticism. The criticism the theory has garnered is due to its unique legal structure, or composition, which is entirely different from that of major modern international theories. One of the tasks I have undertaken is to clarify the differences between the legal structures of the classic just war theory and that of modern international theories. My main task is to highlight the fact that the unique theoretical structure of the classic just war theory can contribute toward limiting and restraining a war, and eventually lead to peace itself. The key concept of the structure is proportionality.

    The concept of proportionality has been articulated, as in the Naulilaa case, as a requirement for reprisals. The impact or the scope of the use of force in general, however, has not been fully determined because the inter-war period was referred to as a transitional period for the law prohibiting the use of force. After World War II, reprisals were banned as illegal use of force, and this meant that the requirement of proportionality itself was outdated.

    I trace the roots of the concept of proportionality in classic just war theory. The reevaluation of the theory thus leads to a reevaluation of the concept of proportionality. This means that the historical continuity of the concept of proportionality is confirmed by its presence in the classic just war theory; the significance of the concept in military issues is characterized as a consequence of the legal and theoretical structure of the classic just war theory. By following these steps, through this article, I will provide, in some way, a new viewpoint for the regulation of the use of force.

  • 大賀 哲
    メディア研究
    2023年 103 巻 3-20
    発行日: 2023/07/31
    公開日: 2023/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー

        This article addresses three critical strategies in tackling the intricate challenges presented by hybrid warfare: fostering international cooperation, leveraging media engagement, and granting access to specialized expertise. When considering international cooperation, it’s imperative to underline the centrality of political decision-making and trust. Engaging in a shared exchange of information and strategic planning on an international level can bolster transparency and fortify trust among nations. Moreover, this cooperation could foster the development of universal standards and guidelines aimed at curbing the spread of disinformation. In turn, these guidelines would provide a roadmap for media outlets to ensure accurate reporting. The symbiosis between the media and expert knowledge forms another significant aspect of this approach. Media organizations should forge solid partnerships with professionals and experts harboring specialized knowledge. This collaboration can enhance the identification and verification of disinformation, ultimately resulting in more accurate reporting. Furthermore, working in conjunction with experts can boost the media’s credibility, promote media literacy, and augment their capacity to evaluate information objectively. In creating a comprehensive strategy to counter hybrid warfare, the integration of these three methods - international cooperation, media engagement, and access to expertise - becomes vital. In conclusion, to effectively address the multifaceted challenges posed by hybrid warfare, we need robust cooperation among governments, educational institutions, media organizations, and various stakeholders. Sound political decision-making and trust form the bedrock of this collaborative effort. Media organizations must prioritize transparency and accuracy in their reporting and actively engage with experts to validate the information. Furthermore, societal enhancement of media literacy and information evaluation skills are crucial. The diligent implementation of these measures can significantly mitigate the impact of hybrid warfare, paving the way for an informed and resilient society.

  • ―米英における技術変化のインパクト―
    土屋 大洋
    国際政治
    2015年 2015 巻 179 号 179_44-179_56
    発行日: 2015/02/15
    公開日: 2016/01/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In response to an increasing number of cyber attacks, many governments have tasked their intelligence agencies with ensuring the safety and security of cyber space. This is a marked shift from the Cold War era when intelligence agencies’ main role was espionage in hostile countries. Their targets in this sense were clear and their tasks specific. However, perpetrators of cyber attacks today can hide themselves in the vast traffic of digital information. They might send computer viruses to a large indefinite number of computers and order them to attack a target by remote control. Or, they might take over someone else’s computer to eavesdrop others’ communications or to steal confidential information. This makes it difficult to identify the perpetrators of cyber attack incidents. With attribution becoming one of the core problems in cyber security, intelligence agencies are shifting their missions from espionage of fixed targets to wider surveillance of possible targets. This sometimes includes the general public.
    The shift has been generated by three changes in the information society. First, governments need to care for unknown risks rather than known threats. Intelligence agencies need to cast wider nets to detect possible signs of risk. Second, digital communications lowers the costs of collecting, processing, analyzing, and storing information. These lowered costs make surveillance easier. Finally, the prevalence of social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook has meant that people are putting an increasing amount of private and sensitive information online, available for collection by intelligence agencies. These changes have compelled intelligence agencies to shift their practices, with signal intelligence (SIGINT) increasingly becoming more effective than human intelligence (HUMINT). This paper looks at case studies of the United States and the United Kingdom to analyze the shift in intelligence practices in response to cyber security.
    In June 2013 former National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden revealed vast surveillance programs such as PRISM by the NSA. The British Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) was also revealed to be working in close cooperation with the NSA. Snowden’s revelations also shed light on hidden cooperation between intelligence agencies and information technology companies including Google, Microsoft, Apple, Facebook, Twitter and others. Without such cooperation, intelligence agencies face difficulties accessing the communications of possible targets. These activities have been amplified by cultures of anxieties after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The U.S. and the U.K. might be exceptional cases, but other countries, including other democracies, are conducting surveillance in some ways. As more and more people get online, the needs for such forms of surveillance may grow. Governments worldwide must consider reasonable and proper ways to protect their nations in cyber space, while striking a balance between privacy and security. This is an unavoidable policy task to be considered in the information age.
  • —下顎骨骨折について—
    佐藤 泰則, 佐野 次夫, 木島 毅, 藤田 温志
    日本口腔診断学会雑誌
    2022年 35 巻 2 号 123-130
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2022/07/09
    ジャーナル 認証あり
    In oral and maxillofacial surgery, the diagnosis and treatment of oral and maxillofacial trauma is particularly important in pregraduate dental education and postgraduate clinical practice, as well as in other oral surgery diseases or in terms of learning the basics of surgery. Mandibular fractures associated with facial trauma can have a considerable effect on oral function after injury. The treatment of mandibular fractures must focus on recovery of occlusion among the lost oral functions.
    This article is based on materials obtained regarding the causes, appearance, diagnosis, treatment, etc. of mandibular fractures mainly in normal times and emergency situations, which are frequently handled by oral and maxillofacial surgeons.
  • 田中 史郎
    季刊経済理論
    2018年 55 巻 3 号 6-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2020/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―プーチン・メドヴェージェフ両政権下における軍改革プランの比較―
    小泉 悠
    国際安全保障
    2011年 39 巻 1 号 28-45
    発行日: 2011/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―全方位均衡論の観点から―
    中村 覚
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 178 号 178_58-178_72
    発行日: 2014/11/10
    公開日: 2015/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study aims to examine the real goal of the regional policy in Saudi Arabia, particularly whether it is designed to counter external threat (derived from the international system) or internal threat (aiming at regime change). A case study that delves into the Saudi Arabian policy toward the Syrian Crisis after 2011 is used. This research applies omnibalance theory, which explains the pattern by which the regimes of Third World states react to threats that arise both within and outside the state. Saudi Arabian policy is analyzed through a comparison of several security situations faced by the kingdom with the use of a method combining within-case analysis and process tracing. Omnibalance theory serves as the main research framework because it can provide a coherent explanation of the foreign policy and international security strategies adopted by the Saudi Arabian government. This study hypothesizes that the Saudi Arabian policy toward the Syrian crisis is strongly constrained by its primary security goal of countering any sign of linkage between internal and external threats.
    The Saudi Arabian commitment to the Syrian crisis cannot be explained simply in relation to an external threat: no foreign country has pressured Saudi Arabia to be involved, and the Assad regime is not a threat to Saudi Arabia. Rather, the Saudi Arabian government recognized the signs of a linkage developing between the internal and external threats it confronts. The government responded to the clamor of its people who advocate humanistic support to the oppressed in Syria, as well took precaution against the risk of a coalition by Iran, the Assad regime, and Hizbullah, which the Saudi Arabian government feared would penetrate the Shia activists in the Eastern region of the kingdom. The concern of the Saudi Arabian government over domestic security constrained its Syrian policy in the following ways: (1) prohibition of participation in both the conflict and in charity activities initiated by Saudi citizens, (2) necessity to maintain moral and humanistic legitimacy of Saudi foreign policies, (3) selection of its allies who will maintain non-intervention in Saudi internal affairs, (4) and prohibition on the Saudi government to provide support to terrorist groups. Therefore, omnibalance theory is a more appropriate concept to explain the Saudi Arabian policy toward the Syrian crisis than the theories of balance of power and balance of threat, both of which claim that the international involvement was the main motivation behind the foreign policy applied to the state.
  • 井上 弘基
    季刊経済理論
    2018年 55 巻 3 号 15-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2020/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―現代日本における社会学的探究のために―
    野上 元
    社会学評論
    2021年 72 巻 3 号 224-240
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/12/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    軍事社会学は,軍隊を社会がどのようにコントロールするかを課題とする政軍関係論への社会学的アプローチとして誕生し,戦争の形態に応じて変化する軍事組織の姿,およびその社会との関係に注目しつつ展開してきた.徴兵制の廃止を経て,労働市場に属する職業のひとつとなった軍務をどう理解するか,さらに冷戦終結を経て「新しい戦争」への対処において変化する専門性および組織的特徴をどう捉えるかがテーマとなっている.C. モスコスの「ポストモダン・ミリタリー」論は,それらを比較研究するうえで有意義な枠組みである.それに加え現在,軍隊は一般社会から区別された特別な集団・場所ではなく,市民社会の一般的な規範を受け入れる(べき)場と捉えられるようになっていることを考えれば,現代の軍隊の変容を,旧来の「軍隊らしさ」に拘らず,反省的な自己観察と再構築・自己呈示を繰り返す再帰的な過程の加速において理解する視点として,「ポストモダン」を軍事社会学に導入する必要が出てくる.

    「ポストモダン・ミリタリー」論は,日本の自衛隊を理解するうえでも実に 示唆的である.ただし,たんに軍隊組織のポストモダン的な特性の観点から自 衛隊に焦点を当てるだけでなく,軍隊と社会の相互観察のプロセスに焦点を当 てた理論枠組みとしての含意を認識する必要がある.日本における「ポストモ ダン」の検討や,「戦争の記憶」と自衛隊の関係,社会との接点である自衛隊 広報活動などが研究課題となりうるだろう.

  • 清水 学
    中東レビュー
    2018年 5 巻 134-151
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/03/15
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    Since the 1990s, Israel’s industrial development has entered a new phase owing to active engagement in Information and Communications Technology- related ventures. In the first decade of the 21st century, Israel succeeded in presenting her image as a “startup” nation, attracting worldwide attention. Israel’s economy, which was highly industrialized, tried to adapt itself to economic and financial globalization. In 2010, Israel was accepted as a full member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 brought to the fore not only the instability of the global financial system as a whole but also the latent weak potential of economic growth, especially in developed countries that lacked innovative, leading industries. In this framework, microlevel initiatives in Israel carried out using active venture capital to explore new niches and new, innovative, high-tech fields attracted the attention of various countries. These fields include the wider areas of software development in ICT—such as big data analysis, cyber security, nanotechnology, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things—in addition to biotechnology and the pharmaceutical industry. It is important to note that Israeli industrial development has been influenced not only by economic necessity but also by national security needs. This latter priority guided the selection and concentration of resources within Israel’s limited national budget and investment capacity.

    Academic research and development also contributed to improvement in the technological aspect of the military industry. Technological know-how spillover from the military industry contributed to some extent to an emerging, domestic, microlevel high-tech industry. The military operations engaged in by the Israel Defense Forces in conflict zones in the Middle East, including operations in occupied territories, provided an opportunity to enhance the quality and practicability of weapons produced. The increasing volume of military grants from the US also supported the military industry in overcoming difficult financial phases. Therefore, Israel’s model of a “start-up” nation is not applicable directly to other nations, as the model was not neutral, owing to the state’s guidance and intervention on security issues. Although the new neoliberal macroeconomic circumstance is favorable to the “start-up” of new ventures, the indirect support by the state through various policies also contributed to the building of a positive environment for them. New markets for Israeli weapons and high-tech gadgets such as drones are expanding rapidly, particularly in huge emerging markets such as India and China. Although the export potential of military equipment is immense, it obliges Israel to be involved in delicate and complex international political relations among the importing countries. This is a new challenge in this unstable and risky world, as high-tech and military equipment always bears political implications beyond economic interests.

  • ――台湾サイドからの視点を中心として――
    門間 理良
    国際安全保障
    2003年 30 巻 4 号 16-34
    発行日: 2003/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • トクヴィルの戦争論・軍隊論の視点から
    松本 礼二
    政治思想研究
    2005年 5 巻 1-16
    発行日: 2005/05/10
    公開日: 2012/11/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菊地 秀樹
    アジア研究
    2023年 69 巻 4 号 19-38
    発行日: 2023/10/31
    公開日: 2023/11/25
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2023/10/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    During the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) conducted guerrilla warfare in areas occupied by the Imperial Japanese Army. The Kuomintang aimed to continue the fight against Japan while maintaining their own governing authority in those regions by mobilizing the local population under Japanese occupation for guerrilla warfare. They carried out operations to disrupt logistics and transportation networks controlled by the Japanese forces.

    Prior studies have evaluated the KMT’s wartime mobilization system as a “total war” system premised on the penetration of ruling power into society. However, according to some empirical studies on the wartime mobilization system in enemy-occupied areas, spontaneously organized self-defense groups and bandit groups were mobilized for guerrilla warfare, and the conscription system that had been established before the war did not function. Considering this point, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive reexamination of the KMT’s wartime mobilization system, including the actual condition of their guerrilla warfare.

    This paper turns its attention to “Jiangnan” region in southern Jiangsu Province, where Nanjing and Shanghai, which were important political and economic bases for the KMT, were located, and which became the front line after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. The paper then examines the extent to which the KMT was able to build a modern military based on a compulsory military service system in the “Jiangnan” region. Then, this paper will shift its attention to the Loyal Patriotic Army, a paramilitary organization of the Kuomintang that played a leading role in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese in “Jiangnan”, and clarified the actual situation of unit management, including the acquisition of soldiers, using primary historical documents. Through this work, this paper reexamines the KMT’s wartime mobilization system at the front-line areas and in the Japanese-occupied areas, which had not been sufficiently examined in previous studies.

    This paper reveals that the Loyal Patriotic Army’s main source of soldiers was the various armed forces that emerged because of the weakening of the KMT’s rule. These armed forces could have been the immediate military power of the Loyal Patriotic Army, but their behavior was based on their own survival strategy rather than anti-Japanese consciousness, and it was difficult to control them. Therefore, while relying on these armed forces for wartime mobilization, the KMT continued to face the challenge of “domestic pacification,” which is a process of centralized control of the violent apparatus.

    In conclusion, this paper points out that the KMT’s wartime mobilization in “Jiangnan” during the Sino-Japanese War was not based on a total war system but was dependent on local voluntary armed forces that became active partly because of the retreat of the party’s governing power. The KMT was able to mobilize such armed forces because the interests of both sides coincided in securing the war effort and guaranteeing survival, but this symbiotic relationship was very fragile.

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