詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "駐屯地"
844件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 荒関 守
    質的心理学研究
    2023年 22 巻 1 号 161-179
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    本研究の目的は,部下のいる陸上自衛隊員(以下「指揮官等」)が,
    駐屯地
    の臨床心理士に期待する業務とその期待の形成プロセスを明らかにすることである。A
    駐屯地
    の指揮官等4 名から得られたデータを,修正版グラウンデッド・セオリー・アプローチによって質的に分析した。その結果,7 つのカテゴリー,11 のサブカテゴリー,29 の概念が得られた。またカテゴリー,サブカテゴリー,概念間の関係を説明したプロセス図が得られた。結果から,①指揮官等は,臨床心理士とのかかわりを通して臨床心理士への期待を形成していくこと,②臨床心理士への期待の土台には「専門職としての信頼」と「適切な距離感」があること,③指揮官等の臨床心理士への期待の中心は二次予防であること,④臨床心理士の活動を概ね肯定的に受け取り,今後も現状通りの活動を望んでいること,が示された。本研究の結果は,
    駐屯地
    の臨床心理士にとって,指揮官等とかかわることが重要であるということを示している。また,指揮官等は,臨床心理士の中核的業務ともいえる臨床心理面接についての期待が薄い可能性も示された。今後,利用者の属性の違いに着目した研究や,業務の担い手である
    駐屯地
    の臨床心理士自身も対象とした研究を行い,
    駐屯地
    の臨床心理士の役割についてさらなる検討の必要がある。
  • 南 龍協, 西澤 泰彦, 砂本 文彦
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2021年 86 巻 784 号 1752-1763
    発行日: 2021/06/30
    公開日: 2021/06/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    The purpose of this study is to clarify the background and process, its characteristics of establishing the Japanese military bases in Seoul during the early modern era of Korea, and to establish it in the history of urban history in Seoul. In 1882, the Japanese army established a military base in Seoul for the first time, followed by several relocations, and finally in 1904 built a permanent base with brick barracks in Pil-dong near Namsan Mountain. The characteristics of the establishment of Japanese military bases in Seoul and the relationship between urban formation in Seoul are summarized as follows.

    First, the Japanese military bases in Seoul are closely related to various events surrounding Korea in the early modern era, and was established following changed according to the following process. (1) In the wake of the ‘Imogunran’, the first Japanese military base was established at three locations in the northern part of Namsan Mountain (1882-1885). (2) In the course of the ‘Sino-Japanese War’, a second base was established in the ‘old Samgunbu’ in front of the royal palace (1894-1896). (3) Under the influence of ‘Agwanpacheon’, which the King Gojong escaped to the Russian legation in 1896, the Japanese military base was relocated from the ‘old Samgunbu’ to the ‘Yanghyangcheong’ and ‘old China telegraph office’ (1896-1904). (4) With the conclusion of the ‘Komura-Webber Memorandum’, a permanent base was established in Pil-dong. (1904).

    Second, the establishment of the Japanese military bases in Seoul were linked to the location of the Japanese legation. Because the Japanese military stationed in Seoul was aimed at guarding the Japanese legation under the ‘Jemulpo Treaty’, the site had to be set up near the Japanese legation. However, the military base in the ‘old Samgunbu’ reflected the special situation of the Sino-Japanese War.

    Third, around 1900, the method of setting up a base by the Japanese army changed from ‘borrowing land and facilities’ to ‘owning land and building new facilities’. After the signing of the ‘Komura-Webber Memorandum’ the Japanese troops, which were able to stably station their troops, tried to build a permanent base with the residents in mind. However, when a permanent base was constructed in Seoul, the permanent ownership of the base and the protection of Japanese residents were important a big concern, which was different from the establishment of a base in homeland Japan.

    Fourth, the Japanese military bases were in line with the formation of the Japanese settlement, which occupies an important position in the formation of the city of Seoul in the early modern era. In 1885, the first Japanese settlement was set up near the previously existing Japanese legation and Japanese military base. In 1896, the Japanese military base was moved at both ends of the Japanese settlement street in response to the protection of Japanese residents and the expansion of the Japanese settlement towards Namdaemunno Street. In 1902, the new Japanese military base constructed in Pil-dong that was near the Japanese legation and Japanese settlement. After all, in urban structure of Seoul, northern foot of Namsan Mountain was formed as a Japanese settlement. It is probable that the beginning of urbanization in the area at the northern part of Namsan Mountain was the result of the establishment of the Japanese military bases, which played a role in protecting Japanese residents.

  • ミサイルより戦争回避の外交を
    藤井 幸子
    日本の科学者
    2023年 58 巻 11 号 49-52
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/11/01
    ジャーナル 認証あり
  • 郡司島 由香, 筒井 昭仁, 渡辺 猛, 境 脩
    口腔衛生学会雑誌
    1995年 45 巻 5 号 823-825
    発行日: 1995/10/30
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山口 睦
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2017年 2017 巻
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    本発表は、現代日本社会における戦争/平和博物館や自衛隊基地・
    駐屯地
    に展示されている零戦を事例として、戦後日本社会の戦争観光の現代的変容について検討することを目的としている。
  • ――タイ軍最高司令部文書を中心として
    柿崎 一郎
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2020年 2020 巻 49 号 125-147
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2022/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article aims to identify changes in the locations of Japanese military facilities in Bangkok and analyze Thailand’s reactions. In the initial stage of the war, many Japanese soldiers went through Bangkok on their way to the front lines. Although most of them left Bangkok within a few months, Bangkok became the headquarters of the Japanese army in Thailand when the Thailand Garrison Command was installed in 1943. Thereafter, Bangkok’s function as the main base for the Japanese Army gradually increased before reaching its peak at the end of war.

    The Japanese barracks and other facilities in Bangkok were concentrated in Pathumwan, Bang Rak, and Yannawa districts in the inner area and Phra Khanong and Dusit districts in outlying part of the city. Many public facilities such as schools were used by the Japanese army in Pathumwan, which resulted in the largest number of garrisons and soldiers being located there. Bang Rak had fewer soldiers and garrisons, but functioned as the Japanese Army Headquarters in Thailand. Many Western firms’ wharfs in Yannawa were occupied by Japan as enemy property. The Bangkok port and Bang O garrison in Phra Khanong and Sanam Pao and Chat Songkhro School in Dusit also played important roles.

    With limited success, Thailand requested return of several sites that Japan used without permission. However, Japan tried to evacuate its bases to suburban areas to prevent air raids from 1944, causing problems, as Thailand wished to concentrate them in specific areas. Therefore, Thailand tried to minimize damage but not to refuse all requests by Japan. As a result, the number of Army facilities in Bangkok did not increase substantially in comparison to the skyrocketing number of soldiers in the last stage of war.

  • 南 龍協, 西澤 泰彦
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2022年 87 巻 795 号 925-935
    発行日: 2022/05/01
    公開日: 2022/05/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper clarified the following three points regarding the Japanese military site setting in Yongsan, Seoul from 1904 to 1907, which was an important occasion to bring about the urban change in Seoul in the early 20th century. First, Yongsan was selected as the area for setting military site in Seoul because the geographical characteristics matched the location conditions required by the Japanese Army. Second, the military site area of Yongsan was finally confirmed in three stages. Third, the first Yongsan military site contained 5.7 times the area required for the military base stationed at the time.

  • 上原 康忠
    日本食生活学会誌
    1998年 9 巻 3 号 84-89
    発行日: 1998/12/31
    公開日: 2011/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • トランスナショナルな視点とローカルな視点からみた自衛隊
    福浦 厚子
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2011年 2011 巻 SA1
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/05/20
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
     コンバット・ストレスのマネジメントを組織としてどのように行っているのか、またこれを起因とするストレス症状をもつ自衛隊員を組織としてどのように理解しているのか、トランスナショナルな経験とローカルな経験に基づいて検討する。また、自衛隊ではコンバット・ストレスだけでなく、借財や家族関係などを理由とした自殺者が減らない点について対処法を検討しており、自衛隊と民間社会との枠組みのなかでも考える。
  • 清水 実, 佐原 幸宏
    日本インテリア学会 研究発表 梗概集
    2001年 13 巻 47-48
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2022/06/01
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 薮 耕太郎
    スポーツ史研究
    2012年 25 巻 43-56
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2017/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is to inquire the whereabouts and significance for the diffusion routes of Jiu-Jitsu (traditional Japanese martial arts) since the turn of the last century from the 19^<th> to 20^<th> century, by viewing through the two Americans, Risher W. Thornberry and John J. O'brien, from the time of having learned Jiu-Jitsu in Nagasaki foreign settlement and to their 30 years of activities after returning to the U.S. One of the main assignments to examine in studies of sport and physical education in late years is to take stock of an ethnocentric interpretation by approaching to the history of propagation abroad of Budo (a collective term of modernized Japanese martial arts) with special focus on bilateral cultural relationship. This paper approaches the following two points accordingly: i) To inquire the chance of the foreigners to encounter Japanese culture, the first point is to analyze the meaning of cultural exchange on local level by looking into Nagasaki foreign settlement. ii) To inquire the social factor of O'brien to get comprehensive sphere of activities by looking into his movement after returning to the U.S. iii) To review into the actual conditions for acceptance of Jiu-Jitsu as military martial arts through the activities of Thornberry at the camp, and study about figuration of cultural succession on the basis of the relationship between after retired him and his pupil. The conclusions of this paper are shown as followings. Firstly, the particular social situation of Nagasaki foreign settlement provided an opportunity for the Americans to accept Jiu-Jitsu. Moreover, according to Thornberry's textbook he had retained cultural identity of Jigo-Tenshin-Ryu (one of the styles of Jiu-Jitsu), but on the other hand the potentiality for this identity to fade out was already there. Secondly, O'brien's textbook points out that a fusion of Jiu-Jitsu and Physical Culture, and this mixture was variously symbolized through the local media. Furthermore, his recreational activities contributed to construct various diffusion routes. Thirdly, Thornberry's Jiu-Jitsu was accepted as military martial arts as the camps demand. On the other hand the succession of Thornbery's Jiu-Jitsu to his disciple Samuel K. Linck indicates that the first did not quite lose the identity of Jigo-Tenshin-Ryu. However, Linck did not succeed Thornberry's Jiu-Jitsu entirely, thus there was a chance of resulting the alternatives. To sum up my main points, the successors were connected one another through Jiu-Jitsu, but the binding force was limited. Thus various requests from the local society were subsumed in the process of succession, and in this meaning its mechanism is not accumulated very easily. However, this kind of flexibility played a role of having made their Jiu-Jitsu well known into the local population.
  • 高野 博子, 有村 敏明, 石峯 康浩, 近藤 祐史, 佐藤 栄一, 竹内 和航, 中込 悠, 近藤 久禎
    日本災害医学会雑誌
    2024年 29 巻 Supplement 号 1-53
    発行日: 2024/03/01
    公開日: 2024/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -ミャンマー連邦カレン州東部カレン村落における不安定な政治環境への対応を事例として-
    佐々木 研
    農村計画学会誌
    2010年 28 巻 Special_Issue 号 303-308
    発行日: 2010/02/28
    公開日: 2011/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    As results of field survey, recent political situation in study field and the manner of response to it by Karen villagers who had maintained traditional recycle based society were revealed. The political situation in mountain area was competitive area between DKBA and KNU. That of flat area was stabilized because rule of DKBA was confirmed. The village W locates in mountain area and both groups do not visit there frequently and village system was not changed. The village T locates slope and flat area and the station of KNU exists nearby. The village leader was selected by KNU and permanent organization to correct rice as a tax established by KNU. The village P locates in flat area and few members of DKBA stayed to observe teak. The village leader had to offer houseroom and food to them. Villagers induced one year term village leader system by themselves. This inducement reflects Karens traditional concept of values that lay off burden equally within village.
  • 日本と韓国の博物館に関する比較研究
    福西 加代子
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2011年 2011 巻 L34
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/05/20
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
     本発表では、日本と韓国における第二次世界大戦の展示、その後の両国の戦争や軍事力の展示と現在の平和展示への取り組みを、展示に関わる人々の視点を取り入れて比較し、そこから戦争展示のあり方、そこから生み出される平和展示のあり方を展示に関わる人々の問題として分析し、考察していく。また、戦争展示や平和展示のあり方を考えることは、戦争や軍事力からみた平和の人類学構築にむけての新たな試みであると考える。
  • 山下 和範, 長谷 敦子, 田﨑 修
    蘇生
    2013年 32 巻 2 号 88-90
    発行日: 2013/08/05
    公開日: 2013/09/18
    ジャーナル フリー
     阪神淡路大震災では,初期医療体制が遅れ,防ぎ得た災害死が約500名存在したと考えられている。この反省から,災害派遣医療チーム(DMAT)は,組織されることとなった。
     その重要なコンセプトは,「災害急性期に活動できる機動性を持ったトレーニングを受けた医療チーム」であるということである。
     DMATの一員となるには,4日間の隊員養成研修を受講し,試験に合格しなければならない。この研修は濃密な日程で,災害医療の基本を習得していく内容となっている。研修を修了すると,厚生労働省より隊員として認定される。
     これらDMAT教育の全般と,東日本大震災での実動を経て変更となったDMAT活動要領(教育)について紹介する。
  • 清水 恵子
    日本看護科学会誌
    1997年 17 巻 3 号 454-455
    発行日: 1997/11/10
    公開日: 2012/10/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 郡司島 由香
    口腔衛生学会雑誌
    1997年 47 巻 3 号 281-291
    発行日: 1997/07/30
    公開日: 2017/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    18歳から31歳までの陸上自衛隊員を対象として,フッ化物を応用した齲蝕予防効果について介入疫学研究を行った。対象者はフッ化物洗口群(洗口群:0.05%NaF,週5回法),フッ化物配合歯磨剤群(歯磨剤群:950ppmF)および対照群の3群に分け,各群の2年間における齲蝕増加量を比較検討した。主な結果は以下のとおりである。1.視診型診査における新生DMFS-indexは洗口群1.96,歯磨剤群2.22,対照群3.17であった。洗口群の新生DMFS-indexは対照群に較べ38.2%小さく,有意な差が認められた(p<0.05)。また,歯磨剤群は対照群より30.0%少なかったが,有意性は認められなかった。2.部位別に齲蝕増加量をみると,臼歯部平滑面において洗口群は対照群に較べ47.5%少なく,その差は有意であった(p<0.01)。3.臼歯部隣接面齲蝕の咬翼法X線評価における新生DeMFS-indexは洗口群0.64,歯磨剤群1.05,対照群1.21であった。洗口群は対照群に較べ47.1%小さく,有意性が認められた(p<0.01)。歯磨剤群と対照群との差13.2%は有意でなかった。以上のことより,成人の齲蝕が増加しているわが国では,成人におけるフッ化物洗口法は非常に効果的な齲蝕予防法であることが示唆された。
  • 本間 秋彦, 大西 武, 木本 茂成, 檜垣 旺夫, 川瀬 俊夫, 斎藤 滋, 今城 伸介
    小児歯科学雑誌
    1993年 31 巻 2 号 297
    発行日: 1993/04/01
    公開日: 2013/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ──コムポン・チャーム-クラチェの1885年反乱──
    北川 香子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2014年 2014 巻 43 号 87-116
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2016/12/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    In January 1885, anti-French rebellions broke out at various points in the Kingdom of Cambodia. France concentrated four thousand troops on Cambodia and barely suppressed the rebels with the help of the Cambodian King by the end of 1886. In general understanding, those rebellions were the reaction of Cambodian elites to the treaty which the Governor of Cochinchina, Charles Thomson, forced to King Norodom on 17 June 1884. Although much attention has been given to the roles played by supreme elites, such as the Governor of Cochinchina, King Norodom, Second King Sisowath and Prince Si Votha during those years, little is known about the situation in each region under the rebellions. In this paper, I inquire closely into the activities of the rebels who uprose along the Mekong River between Kampong Cham and Kracheh. After the rebellion subsided, this region began to develop significantly under the French colonial rule which guaranteed the safety of the traffic on the Mekong River from Cochinchina to Laos.

    The rebellion in Kampong Cham─Kracheh region occurred in inland srok srae (the land of paddy field), and the main participants were Khmers. Prei (forest) or phnom (mountain) behind srok srae were not the foothold of the rebels, but served as supply and escape routes for them. Ethnic minorities and religious or magical authorities were not included in the main body of the rebels. Most chiefs of the rebels were officials who held traditional titles as governors and balats (deputy governor). They led hundreds of people, held their own grounds in the plain of srok srae, and shared information about the maneuvers of French troops by exchanging letters with each other. They had been respectively appointed by different authorities, and some of them were appointed by Si Votha who had maintained another independent kingdom to the north of Kampong Thum, which contacted with the territory of Siam. A dozen “Burmese warriors” were distributed under chiefs who had strong ties with Si Votha, and Siamese of Siem Bouk played an important role in supplying guns and ammunition for the rebels. These facts suggest that the rebels maintained close connection with Northeast Thailand area. The targets of the rebels were those who related to the French colonial rule, Chinese merchants, and Malay and Chams along the Mekong River.

    The French did not have enough military power to defeat independent chiefs to control the entire srok srae, but could find skilled pro-French local officials and nominated them as governors in the process of suppressing the rebellion. During the decade after the outbreak of rebellion, the chiefs of the rebels disappeared one by one, and the governors newly appointed by the name of the King were received by the local population. Then the French succeeded in stabilizing their rule to promote “a colonization without collision” on the territory along the Mekong River to the edge of prei and phnom.

  • 今城 伸介, 大西 武, 本間 秋彦, 木本 茂成, 檜垣 旺夫, 川瀬 俊夫, 斎藤 滋
    小児歯科学雑誌
    1993年 31 巻 2 号 296
    発行日: 1993/04/01
    公開日: 2013/01/18
    ジャーナル フリー
feedback
Top