Roshiashi kenkyu
Online ISSN : 2189-986X
Print ISSN : 0386-9229
ISSN-L : 0386-9229
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  • Vasily Boldyrev (1875–1933):
    Activities during Stay in Japan (December 1918–January 1920)
    Yuzuru Tonai
    2020 Volume 105 Pages 3-22
    Published: October 25, 2020
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2024
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.18985/roshiashikenkyu.105.0_3
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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      Vasily Boldyrev was one of the most capable and influential military commanders in the Russian Army during WWI and the Russian Revolution. When the October Revolution broke out, he was the Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of the 5th Army, but was soon arrested for being disobedient to the Bolshevik Government. After being released in March 1918, he joined the Union of Regeneration, which was founded in April 1918 in Moscow. He attended the Ufa State Conference as a military representative of the Union, and in the beginning of November, when the Directory was established as the All Russian Government, he was elected as one of its five members and commander-in-chief of its armed forces. However, the Directory was soon overthrown by a coup on November 18, 1918, and Admiral A. Kolchak took over. Boldyrev refused to serve the new government and moved to Japan.
      He arrived from Vladivostok on December 30, 1918, and mainly lived in Tokyo and Yokohama for a little longer than a year. During his stay in Japan, he met key figures of the Japanese Army, including the Minister of War Lieutenant-General Tanaka Giichi, the Chief of the General Staff General Uehara Yusaku, and the Chair of the Support Commission for Siberia Baron Mekata Tanetaro. Initially, Boldyrev’s relationship with the Japanese army was relatively favorable, but it gradually cooled. The leaders of the Japanese Army probably found him difficult to control, or even dangerous. Boldyrev was disappointed, aware that the Japanese military officials and politicians were not only indifferent to establishing democracy and recovering the unity of Russia, but also intended to do the opposite.
      Boldyrev left Japan on January 17, 1920, and arrived in Vladivostok on January 19. At the end of that month, General Vasily Rozanov lost power in Maritime Province and the New Provisional Zemstvo Government of the Maritime Province was established. Boldyrev occupied a unique and important position in politics in the Russian Far East up until 1922. His story is very interesting, but it is already the theme of another article.
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  • National Personal Autonomy in Revolutionary Ukraine
    Yuki Murata
    2020 Volume 105 Pages 23-49
    Published: October 25, 2020
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2024
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.18985/roshiashikenkyu.105.0_23
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    This article analyzes the historical significance of National Personal Autonomy (NPA) as introduced in revolutionary Ukraine by examining the process of its practical implementation in the context of Russian and Ukrainian history. Codifying the ideas of Austrian Marxist nationality theories, the Law on NPA of 1918 specified that the three major national minorities in the territory of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR)—Jews, Poles, and Great-Russians—had the right to arrange their internal life through non-territorially-formed national representative organs. The main weakness of previous studies on this thema is that they hardly attempted to clarify the degree to which NPA influenced and altered existing inter-nationality relationships in Ukraine. In this article, I show that NPA for minorities in the UPR originated in the nationalization process in the imperial war effort and that its implementation paradoxically reinforced the status of Ukrainians as the ruling nation in the newly-born republic. The mobilization of nationalities during WWI paved the way for the realization of both Ukrainian territorial autonomy and Jewish, Polish, and Great-Russian personal autonomy. Ukrainian politicians used NPA as a means to relegate the languages and cultures of minority nations to a secondary position and to disseminate the official narrative that the UPR was achieving peaceful national coexistence. My analysis demonstrates that NPA can function not only as a concession to minorities but also as a means to consolidate a nation-state, notwithstanding today’s increasing interest in the historical experiences of NPA in the search for an effective solution to minority issues.
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  • Перепроверка характера «Дымовского дела»:
    деревни, низовые аппараты и «советская журналистика» в период расцвета НЭПа
    Дзэндзи Асаока
    2020 Volume 105 Pages 50-77
    Published: October 25, 2020
    Released on J-STAGE: March 31, 2024
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.18985/roshiashikenkyu.105.0_50
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    Убийство «сельского корреспондента» Григория Малиновского на южной Украине в марте 1924 г. — так называемое «Дымовское дело» — долго считалось типичным случаем преследования селькоров, репрессией против «свободы слова». Пересмотр судебного решения, состоявшийся в конце 1960-х годов, не оставил сомнений в «невиновности» главных подсудимых. В то же время в последние годы даются новые смелые трактовки «Дымовского дела»: так, его называют «интригами сталинского руководства» или «троцкистским покушением». Наша повторная проверка показала, что эти новые версии не имеют под собой достаточных оснований, о чем можно сделать вывод на основе документов центральных и местных советских партийных архивов. Кроме фактора озлобленности окружной прокуратуры, основная линия противостояния в этом деле включала низовое деревенское население и центральное партийное руководство в противовес местному аппарату в целом, то есть местным партийным организациям и деревенским коммунистам, что также было упомянуто в нашей прошлой статье (Дз. Асаока. «Преследования селькоров и работа по улучшению низового аппарата в период «оживления советов»», История России № 63, Общество исследователей истории России, Токио, 1998). «Дымовщину» следует рассматривать как уникальное явление в период расцвета НЭПа, когда большевики поспешно повернулись «лицом к деревне» и попытались при помощи писем «снизу» и «советской журналистики» установить «социальный контроль» над низовыми партийно-советскими аппаратами, которые представляли собой самое серьезное препятствие на пути к прокрестьянскому «новому курсу».
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