Graduating from Least Development Country(LDC)status has been the resolution of the Lao People's Democratic Republic(Lao PDR or Laos)since the year 2000. As an aid-dependent country, this resolution seems difficult to achieve without development assistance from and supervision by the international community. Yet in 2021, Laos astonished the world and succeeded in meeting the three criteria required to transcend LDC status, transiting to a five-year promotion preparatory period. This paper wishes to examine the potential consequences of graduation. It argues that the Lao government can be hit by three dilemmas in dealing with the consequences of graduation. The first dilemma may arise from internal economic fluctuation as a result of the global pandemic and the Russo-Ukrainian war. Many Laotians have lost their jobs, inflation is rising rapidly, and social inequality remains problematic and intractable. The second dilemma arises from Laos losing the economic benefits the international community provides to countries with LDC status. This loss of benefits can presumably re-shape its relationship with the international community and redirect its priorities towards acquiring more Chinese development assistance. The last dilemma is from the Lao state capacity itself. Lastly, this paper aims to imagine scenarios in which the Lao government can deal with these dilemmas and survive the consequences of surpassing LDC status.

The military coup in Feb 2021 in Myanmar imposed a huge challenge for international humanitarian organizations to continue their assistance to the local population. It forced these organizations to make a hard choice either to stay or leave. The interaction of international organizations with the military authority that toppled the democratically elected government drew the attention to the public. The criticisms of local aid actors towards international organizations and their application of humanitarian principles and democratic values have substantially surged. To understand the dynamic of power, perceptions, and politics of the aid sector in Myanmar, this paper analyzes the shift of international aid organizations after the military takeover and the responses of national NGOs on it through the lens of humanitarian principles, localization, and legitimization.

“Development”aims to encourage people to explore their own potentials without control from others. However, the Western-centric hierarchical structure of the creation and dissemination of knowledge on development remains strong. Therefore, development studies remain centered in Europe and the United States. According to our research to date, most development studies textbooks in Asian countries begin with translations of Western textbooks. Since various kinds of development are being tried and experienced in Asia, knowledge on development should also originate from Asia. Together with our Asian colleagues, we would like to think about how we can create interconnection and comparison of knowledge within Asian countries, and create development studies originating from Asia.

The various theoretical and pragmatic approaches used in achieving the goals of ‘Development,’ a highly contested notion, point to the fact that this term needs to be understood and applied contextually. Nepal's experiment with development in its recent history highlights how this country's socio-economic and political landscape has been shaped not only by the engagement and approach of Western donors in the form of foreign aid but also by a rapid and unprecedented socio-political transition in the recent past and the subsequent development discourses that have been taking place in the country. In this context, this paper attempts to critically look at the evolution of Development Studies in Nepal as an academic discipline and how the country's tumultuous history has created a space for this discipline. It does so by first studying the general characteristics of Development Studies offered by various colleges and universities in Nepal, and then by specifically focusing on the program designed by Kathmandu University, a leading University in Nepal. The paper ends by arguing that Development Studies as a discipline needs to be more locally and contextually grounded to stay relevant in the future.

In response to the increasing polycentrism within the international development landscape, there is a growing emphasis, particularly emanating from East Asian countries, on constructing international development studies from an Asian perspective. Numerous endeavours have been attempting to establishing a dialogue platform among researchers from Asia to identify both the distinctions and commonalities in their developmental experiences. However, the academic discourse dynamics that have shaped the dialogue within each country may have been overlooked. Consequently, this article utilizes the case of South Korea's ‘Saemaul Undong’ (New Village Movement) to demonstrate that researchers from different countries interpret specific developmental experiences through distinct viewpoints. Specifically, this article delves into the formation and evolution of the Saemaul Undong, and scrutinizes its assessment by South Korean, Japanese and Chinese researchers. The conclusion reflects on the parallaxes evident in the assessment of developmental experiences shaped by various contexts in Asian countries. In this sense, the platform of development studies in Asia can aid researchers in relativizing their perspectives through comparisons, contributing to a more self-reflexive approach within the field.

Tribhuvan University (TU), Nepal's oldest and one of the largest universities in the world, experienced a democratic phase of university governance in the 1960s. However, unlike many countries, it has not transitioned to a managerial form of university governance, primarily due to the pervasive politicization of the institution. This paper delves into the intricate relationship between strong student political activism and the consequent impact on TU's university governance. Drawing on data from interviews with current and former student leaders, professors, employees, and management committee members, this research reveals the nature of student political activism and explores how student organizations continue to justify their existence, even after accomplishing their initial political goals of establishing democracy. This paper contends that the affiliations of student leaders with political parties empower them to exert a significant influence on TU's governance. The indispensable role of student organizations for political parties in cadre recruitment, election victories, and leadership cultivation results in a protective shield by political entities, allowing student leaders to engage in various activities that severely impair university governance at TU.