This article analyzes the developments of Japan's community －led artificial afforestation projects in the second half of the 20th century, with a specific investigation of communal forest management in Yamamoto District, Iida City, Nagano Prefecture.

In the 1950s, Nagano Prefecture's forestry policy aimed at reforestation of cutover areas, which had expanded during the Second World War. Prefectural authorities assigned the task of reforestation to the various rural communities. Yamamoto District's leadership conditionally accepted the reforestation instructions concerning communal areas to the extent permitted by the manpower available. Additionally, the areas to be reforested were designated so that they would not overlap with those where local people had “commoner rights” to cut brushwood and grass and to make charcoal. The “commoners” requested a house－by－house allotment of the earnings from the communal forest in return for planting and nurturing saplings. Their request led the District leadership to sell most of the standing trees of natural tree species in the communal forest. In consequence, Yamamoto District was confronted with the daunting problem of implementing extensive artificial afforestation projects of the cutover areas, far beyond its financial capacity and manpower.

The District proceeded to introduce afforestation funds provided by the government－affiliated Forest Development Corporation. The Yamamoto District Property Ward, headed by the Iida City mayor, was established as the body receiving these funds. From the 1960s on, the afforestation projects funded by the corporation promoted the expansion of plantation stands of certain conifer species, the planting and aftercare of which were outsourced to outside labor organizations. The expansion of the plantations led to increases in the value of communal forest, which in turn raised the fee for commoner rights so high that applications for new entry ceased despite the increase in the number of households in the Yamamoto District. As non－commoner households increased in number, the Yamamoto District leadership began promoting the accession of entire households to commoner rights by redeeming the vested interests of the existing commoners and reducing the entry fee. This measure enabled almost all living households to share equally in the proceeds from the communal forest, which also symbolized the public character of the management of communal forests.

The production area in Japan that the Onsen－Seika Agricultural Cooperative (Onsen－Seika) oversaw changed in 1970s, from producing mandarin oranges—known as satsuma or unsyu—to Citrus iyo; this change was in reaction to an oversupply of mandarin oranges. While the region prospered and became the largest Citrus iyo－producing area, it gradually fell from this position among the citrus－growing areas. This study explores the development of Onsen－Seika and the production area it oversaw in the 1970s and 1980s.

Existing research into Onsen－Seika and the region it has overseen has focused on internal conditions and production activities, but they do not shed enough light on the market environment surrounding the region. This study focuses on the relationship between the development of the region and its environment—in particular, (a) other competing Citrus and fruits, and (b) movements in the markets and other producing regions.

Historical analysis of this case clarifies, first, that Citrus iyo had dropped in price over time as other regions increased Citrus iyo production in the 1970s and 1980s—although it did have a price advantage over other competing Citrus, until the mid－1980s. As the volume of competing Citrus and fruits grew and became more ample, the Citrus iyo market started to flag. Second, while Onsen－Seika and the production region it oversaw experienced rapid growth in the early Citrus iyo market, the region’s various problems (e.g., quality and yielding ability) became apparent within the context of the increased market entry of other producing regions and changes in the supply－demand relationship. From a long－term perspective, since 1984, Onsen－Seika has focused on resolving production problems; however, in the meantime, the growth of other producing regions advanced into the Citrus iyo market in the late 1980s. In summary, Onsen－Seika and the production region it oversaw faced two impasses—that is to say, those concerning the internal and external Citrus iyo markets.

This paper aims to re－examine the historical significance of the national tuberculosis measures established in early 20th century Britain. The particular focus is on the process by which the Sanatorium Benefit under National Health Insurance was remade into part of a comprehensive tuberculosis scheme, applicable to the entire population and organized by local authorities immediately after passage of the 1911 National Insurance Act.

The Local Government Board had already begun to make notification of tuberculosis compulsory in the early 20th century. The Board and local authorities therefore strongly opposed the proposal for a Sanatorium Benefit that would be administered by completely new local Insurance Committees independent of the Board. They feared that the plan would conflict with the duties of local health authorities. Opponents also insisted that social insurance was not appropriate for dealing with tuberculosis because it is an infectious disease that tended to affect poorer people. Organization of national tuberculosis measures was accordingly transferred from local Insurance Committees to local authorities, and this in turn made it available to the whole population.

To be sure, the administrative structure of the comprehensive plan became complex and inefficient because Lloyd George refused to remove the Sanatorium Benefit from it. However, it should be noted that half the cost of the plan was to be paid by the Exchequer. Lloyd George hoped through the National Insurance Act to support and promote the efforts of the local authorities and voluntary bodies, which had hitherto been inadequate, and the form of that assistance also represented continuity with the comprehensive plan.

This paper also examines the expected role of general practitioners and voluntary bodies such as sanatoria and tuberculosis dispensaries in the national plan and the reactions of the medical world to state intervention in the treatment of the disease. This contributes to our understanding of the continuities and discontinuities of the practice of private welfare in the advent of the state welfare.