全文: "ゲリマンダー"
20件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 井澤 清一
    2005年 21 巻 75-76
    発行日: 2005/05/31
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 湯淺 墾道
    1998年 13 巻 159-168,273
    発行日: 1998/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper will focus on the consequences of the 1982 amendments of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA).
    As a result of congressional redistricting in fifty states according to congressional apportionment based on the decennial census held in 1990, more than fifty minority-majority districts including black-majority and Hispanic-majority dishing were created by the states. Why was a record number of minority-majority districts created in the 1990 round? This paper assumes the effect of the VRA 1982 amendments.
    Numerous challenges against racially gerrymandered districting plans have been filed in federal courts pursuant to VRA and the Constitution. The United States Supreme court transformed its judicial standards to review whether unconstitutional “minority vote dilution” had existed in challenged districting plans from “result standard” to “intent standard” in 1980. It charged plaintiffs alleging discrimination with the burden of proof to show the existence of “legislative intent” of racial discrimination in the plan. To avoid the “intent standard” from VRA litigation, Congress passed the 1982 VRA amendment which prohibited states and political subdivisions from enforcing any change “in a manner which results” in discrimination, and provided “the extent minority has been elected to office” was “one circumstance” which would be considered to scrutinize alleged discrimination. Soon after passing the amendment, the Court withdrew the “intent standard”.
    Section 5, which provided a “preclearance” clause that forced certain states from the get preclearance from the Department of Justice or a declaration judgement from the U. S. district court for the District of Columbia before implementing any change in voting practices, was given a more significant role under amended section 2. The department has a broad power to review the possibility of violation of section 2 in plans submitted by the states with avague standard. It construed section 2 to maximize the number of minority-majority districts, and directed several states to create more minority-majority districts to meet the requirement of section 2 in the 1990 round.
  • 谷口 守, 伊勢 晋太郎, 陳 鶴, 村上 暁信
    2014年 70 巻 5 号 I_93-I_102
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2015/05/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐野 洋, 中谷 友樹
    地理学評論 Ser. A
    2000年 73 巻 7 号 559-577
    発行日: 2000/07/01
    公開日: 2008/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 馨八郎, 鯉淵 順子
    1961年 34 巻 2 号 82-96
    発行日: 1961/02/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 草原 和博
    1996年 44 巻 41-50
    発行日: 1996/03/15
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高木 彰彦
    1984年 36 巻 2 号 186-188
    発行日: 1984/04/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 網中 政機
    1997年 12 巻 122-133,288
    発行日: 1997/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Japan, new electoral system is introduced in The House of Representative, but the procedure of reapportionment and redistricting follow the principles of former system. Under non-transferable single voting system, this problem transforms the apportionment into the districting in quality. For something unsatisfactory of legislative procedure, Equality of the franchise is not realizable.
    By contrast with this, the redistricting procedure renewed after apportionment revolution in 1964 in United states of America. Now that the equal-population principle has become established constitutional doctrine for state legislative representation and congressional districting, the relationship of representative government should be examined anew.
    This paper seeks and suggest to legislative procedures to ensure “strict and fair” redistricting through states constitutions in America.
  • 中江 淳一
    1974年 42 巻 12 号 783-784
    発行日: 1974/12/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 一森 哲男
    1993年 3 巻 2 号 102-114
    発行日: 1993/06/15
    公開日: 2017/04/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper we discuss one-man, one-vote which is essential in representative democracy. The problem consists of apportionment and districting. First the apportionment problem is treated, where we give some reasons why the method proposed by Alexander Hamilton admits the Alabama paradox and why the method proposed by Daniel Webster resembles Hamilton's method while Webster's method does not admit the Alabama paradox. And we briefly discuss the relation between the apportionment problem and the resource allocation problem. Finally the districting problem is addressed and we conclude that this problem is closely related to the apportionment problem. In other words, unless population variances per congressman among congressional districts are very small, one-man, onevote cannot be possibly realized by any apportionment method.
  • 湯淺 墾道
    2018年 2 巻 1 号 73-90
    発行日: 2018/12/28
    公開日: 2019/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー






  • 千葉 立也
    1978年 51 巻 3 号 235-244
    発行日: 1978/03/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    Electoral geography, which deals, for the most part, with the regional variations in voting behavior, has occupied one of the main field of the study on the political behavior or on the opinion. Some new ways of research have been introduced in this field and these are summarised here in reference to main and important articles of electoral geography.
    1) One of the traditional view points represented by Siegfried is that the political opinion is concerned much more with the social integration of the community through the activities and influences of the social, political and economic organizations or groups. Without this point of view, quantification of each socio-economic element would not be able to clarify the complex relations between community and opinion of its residents.
    2) On the other hand, the behavioral approach, represented by Cox, considers spatial elements which are important in the behavior and decision and gives its own explanation in the field of geographical studies to the modeling of voting behavior within the spatial context. But many problems remain to be solved; measuring of the network structure, the information flow and the attitude changed by the acceptance of information, tempo-spatial generalization from the results of small-scale sampling survey to large-scale voting characteristics and so on.
    3) Kasperson and McPhail, for example, have recently written some interesting articles which show one of the recent trends in this field. This is the dynamic analysis of areal differentiation in voting behavior and its influence upon the political system through the electoral results. These new points of view in electoral geography within the field of political geography should introduce more of the works done in the recent accomplish ments in social geography so as to elaborate the analysis of spatial pattern in voting behavior.
  • 増山 幹高
    2009年 60 巻 1 号 1_79-1_109
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2013/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
      Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.
  • 植原 亮
    2007年 35 巻 1 号 11-20
    発行日: 2007/12/25
    公開日: 2010/02/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    The theory of knowledge as a natural kind holds that knowledge has a theoretical unity in the causal structure of the world. Since knowledge supports causal explanation and prediction, we can investigate knowledge empirically like other natural kinds such as water. But epistemological nihilism holds that knowledge does not have such a theoretical unity because we can always observe the diversity of knowledge. This paper aims to defend the theory of knowledge as a natural kind from epistemological nihilism. To do this, I will suggest that we can understand knowledge as a biological kind like species or organs, and then accommodate the diversity of knowledge to this viewpoint positively.
  • 大会実行委員会
    2009年 2009 巻 53 号 63-71
    発行日: 2009/12/15
    公開日: 2013/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森脇 俊雅
    1992年 1992 巻 20 号 65-75
    発行日: 1992/12/05
    公開日: 2010/10/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the provisions of the United States constitution the number of House members in each state is ruled to be reallocated on the basis of population shift every ten years. In addition the federal law requires the equal size of population in each district, and making districts is ruled by state law. However, redistricting had been delayed because of political reasons until the land-mark decisions were made by the United States Supreme Court in the early 1960 s. After the Baker vs. Carr case (1962) and the Wesberry vs. Sanders case (1964), redistricting drastically started from federal to local level.
    There are several conditions for making districts, namely the equal size of population, minority voting rights, compactness, contiguity and the respect of county and city border. Among these conditions the equal size of population and minority representation are absolutely emphasizes while the other conditions are relatively ignored. This causes a serious problem, the so-called gerrymandering. Redistricting seriously influences the political fortune of incumbent representatives and the power of political parties. Politicians desire to draw the district lines in their favors, and party officials want to increase seats of their party and to decrease the opponent. Conflicts and quarrels frequently happens in the process of redistricting. We see often dead locks and confusions in the seasons of redistricting.
    Redistricting itself is one of the most important way of realizing democratic electoral system. In reality, however, the contemporary American way of redistricting faces serious troubles. In order to maintain and promote democratic electoral system the rules and practices of redistricting must be reformed.
  • 大宮 武郎
    1997年 33 巻 90-98
    発行日: 1997/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    (1) In the electoral system of from three to five members district, an author's theory is different from the leading one in academy. (2) In electoral system of one single member district, my opinion is the same as Anglo-Saxon style. (3) The end of this new system in Japan is to sending oversea self-defensive forces by amendment of the article 9. (4) In post cold war, it is erroneous to send them by reason of the collapse of Soviet Russia.
  • 網中 政機
    1992年 28 巻 11-21
    発行日: 1992/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The political reform which the Liberal Democratic Party made, pledged on reflection of the so-called "RECRUIT" scandal, has been shelved less than two weeks after Mr. Miyazawa took over reins of the govenment. Therefore, a drastic revision of the electoral system has been postponed for the time being. This paper refers to the revision of the electoral system from four view-points. 1 What kind of electoral system should be adopted? The 8th Electroral System Council's Report must be respected, because it is sensitive to the will of the people, and makes a change of government with ease. 2 The criterion for deviation. In theory, it is one-to-one. Since equal representation for equal numbers of people is the fundamental goal of the House of Representatives, the "as nearly as practicable" standard requires that Parliament meke a good faith effort to achive mathematical equality. 3 The method of apportionment and distriction. I interpreted as follow:the block system with Expanded Self-Govenment Theory (Federal system, Doushiyuu system) must be adopted for both single-member and proportional constituency. Because by this the deviation of the single-member constituency may be approximately one-to-one. 4 The keyword of an electoral system's reform. There are two keywords;an accurate representation and a change of government, but the latter is primary. Since a change of government serves as the greatest prevention against corruption, and a general election serves as a change for the selection of a new government, they generate tension for an election.
  • 西平 重喜
    2005年 20 巻 5-18,224
    発行日: 2005/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 葉山 明
    1997年 12 巻 134-144,288
    発行日: 1997/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1990, an African American was voted into a federal office in Louisiana for the first time since 1874. In 1992, an additional African American was elected. What happened in Louisiana in the 1990s?
    In an attempt to answer the question, this paper analyzes the federal Voting Rights Act (VRA) and argues that its 1982 amendment triggered many states including Louisiana to create as many black majority districts as possible even at the sacrifice of their compactness. The federal judiciary has ruled recently, however, that racial gerrymandering is contrary to the VRA and to the U. S. Constitution, thereby discrediting most black majority districts. The paper concludes with a discussion of some alternative strategies for black political empowerment.