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  • 井澤 清一
    東北哲学会年報
    2005年 21 巻 75-76
    発行日: 2005/05/31
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 湯淺 墾道
    選挙研究
    1998年 13 巻 159-168,273
    発行日: 1998/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper will focus on the consequences of the 1982 amendments of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA).
    As a result of congressional redistricting in fifty states according to congressional apportionment based on the decennial census held in 1990, more than fifty minority-majority districts including black-majority and Hispanic-majority dishing were created by the states. Why was a record number of minority-majority districts created in the 1990 round? This paper assumes the effect of the VRA 1982 amendments.
    Numerous challenges against racially gerrymandered districting plans have been filed in federal courts pursuant to VRA and the Constitution. The United States Supreme court transformed its judicial standards to review whether unconstitutional “minority vote dilution” had existed in challenged districting plans from “result standard” to “intent standard” in 1980. It charged plaintiffs alleging discrimination with the burden of proof to show the existence of “legislative intent” of racial discrimination in the plan. To avoid the “intent standard” from VRA litigation, Congress passed the 1982 VRA amendment which prohibited states and political subdivisions from enforcing any change “in a manner which results” in discrimination, and provided “the extent minority has been elected to office” was “one circumstance” which would be considered to scrutinize alleged discrimination. Soon after passing the amendment, the Court withdrew the “intent standard”.
    Section 5, which provided a “preclearance” clause that forced certain states from the get preclearance from the Department of Justice or a declaration judgement from the U. S. district court for the District of Columbia before implementing any change in voting practices, was given a more significant role under amended section 2. The department has a broad power to review the possibility of violation of section 2 in plans submitted by the states with avague standard. It construed section 2 to maximize the number of minority-majority districts, and directed several states to create more minority-majority districts to meet the requirement of section 2 in the 1990 round.
  • 谷口 守, 伊勢 晋太郎, 陳 鶴, 村上 暁信
    土木学会論文集D3(土木計画学)
    2014年 70 巻 5 号 I_93-I_102
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2015/05/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    地球環境問題は深刻化の一途をたどり,根本的に新しいアイデアを導入しなければその抜本的改善は期待できない.特に関係主体の行動を変えてしまうような新たな仕組みの発案が強く期待される.折しもわが国では地方分権が進み,中央政府から自治体に降りてくる裁量と責任が,地球環境問題解決に向けて的確に果たされる必要がある.本研究では自治体が自らの努力で環境バランスを達成すべく住民と行動する上で参考となる新たな試論を提案する.具体的には環境バランス指標を達成するために,市町村の再編と財源の流動化をあわせて検討する仕組みを提示した.その評価指標にはエコロジカル・フットプリント指標等を利用し,茨城県内の全44自治体に適用を行った.その結果,茨城県は16の環境バランスエリアと10の環境バランス未達成のエリアとに再編された.
  • 佐野 洋, 中谷 友樹
    地理学評論 Ser. A
    2000年 73 巻 7 号 559-577
    発行日: 2000/07/01
    公開日: 2008/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    多党化した日本における小選挙区制の選挙バイアスを明らかにするために,1996年衆議院議員総選挙の投票データを用いて選挙バイアスを測定した.その結果,英米の選挙について報告されてきたものよりも大規模な選挙バイアスを確認した.バイアスの構成では,議席定数の不均衡配分よりも死票によるものが大部分を占めている。また,多党制では政党規模が相対的に小さくなり,全選挙区で立候補者を擁立できないため,各政党は効率的な立候補者の擁立を図り,立候補者の有無によるバイアスが,死票を見掛け上少なく抑えている.これらのバイアスを介して,多党化の地域差は,議席定数の不均衡配分の効果と合わさり,「大都市圏」一「非大都市圏」間で1票が議席に与える影響力の格差を拡大している.
  • 清水 馨八郎, 鯉淵 順子
    地理学評論
    1961年 34 巻 2 号 82-96
    発行日: 1961/02/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    都市化の進展と交通の発達による人口の地域的変動は現代世界の最も著しい現象の一つである.このため行政圏と生活圏,制度と現実とのヅレは各地で深刻な社会問題となつている.これらの現象のうちここで対象選挙区制度と現実との不均衡の問題は,戦後の社会変動のはげしかつた日本ほ勿論,米国においても重大な課題となりつつある.
    選挙区の固定化とその矛盾がどのように政治に反映するかといつた政治現象も,これを地理学としては一種の地的制約として捉えることができる.現状のごとき区割の固定化が続けば,一見民主主義的な選挙も,実は漸次地盤主義つまり地主主義へと移行してゆく.日本の11月総選挙でもこのことが明瞭に現われ,選挙区制度改正の要望は国会の内外から台頭した.これは地理学の実践の場としてもよき機会でもある.
    本稿は都市化のはげしい米国について同様の問題が指摘される事実を,過去の選挙結果から分析したものである.更に本稿は一見合理主義的にみえる米国の選制度の甚だしい不合琿を指摘し,問題点を整理して,日本の選挙区割制度改正への参考にしようとしたものである.
  • 草原 和博
    社会科研究
    1996年 44 巻 41-50
    発行日: 1996/03/15
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高木 彰彦
    人文地理
    1984年 36 巻 2 号 186-188
    発行日: 1984/04/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 網中 政機
    選挙研究
    1997年 12 巻 122-133,288
    発行日: 1997/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Japan, new electoral system is introduced in The House of Representative, but the procedure of reapportionment and redistricting follow the principles of former system. Under non-transferable single voting system, this problem transforms the apportionment into the districting in quality. For something unsatisfactory of legislative procedure, Equality of the franchise is not realizable.
    By contrast with this, the redistricting procedure renewed after apportionment revolution in 1964 in United states of America. Now that the equal-population principle has become established constitutional doctrine for state legislative representation and congressional districting, the relationship of representative government should be examined anew.
    This paper seeks and suggest to legislative procedures to ensure “strict and fair” redistricting through states constitutions in America.
  • 中江 淳一
    農業土木学会誌
    1974年 42 巻 12 号 783-784
    発行日: 1974/12/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 一森 哲男
    応用数理
    1993年 3 巻 2 号 102-114
    発行日: 1993/06/15
    公開日: 2017/04/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper we discuss one-man, one-vote which is essential in representative democracy. The problem consists of apportionment and districting. First the apportionment problem is treated, where we give some reasons why the method proposed by Alexander Hamilton admits the Alabama paradox and why the method proposed by Daniel Webster resembles Hamilton's method while Webster's method does not admit the Alabama paradox. And we briefly discuss the relation between the apportionment problem and the resource allocation problem. Finally the districting problem is addressed and we conclude that this problem is closely related to the apportionment problem. In other words, unless population variances per congressman among congressional districts are very small, one-man, onevote cannot be possibly realized by any apportionment method.
  • 湯淺 墾道
    情報通信政策研究
    2018年 2 巻 1 号 73-90
    発行日: 2018/12/28
    公開日: 2019/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    個人情報やプライバシーのような個人の権利利益、企業の知的財産や営業秘密その他の経済的利益に係わる情報、地方公共団体や政府等の一般に情報公開することができない情報、安全保障や外交に関係する秘密情報その他、一般にサイバー攻撃によって窃取の対象となるとされる情報は、不正アクセス禁止法、個人情報保護法、プライバシー保護法制、営業秘密に関する法律その他によって保護されている。しかし民主主義の基礎となっている理念、原理、制度の存立がサイバー攻撃やサイバー空間の悪意をもった利活用によって脅かされる恐れがあり、それにどのように法的対処することが可能であるかという点の議論は、活発とは言い難い。さらに、人工知能(AI)に関する各種技術の急速な実用化によって、人工知能がインターネットを介して民主主義を支える各種の制度に「介入」する危険性も、現実化している。

    そこで本稿では、特に民主主義を支える選挙に焦点を当て、選挙へのサイバー攻撃とサイバー空間の悪意をもった利活用の段階について先行研究の紹介と段階の整理を行う。次に、政府がどのように対応するべきかについて、アメリカとEUの例を参照する。

    アメリカ政府は、外交的対抗、経済的対抗、技術的対抗という3つの対抗手段を講じている。もっとも、外交官追放等の外交的手段や口座凍結等による制裁では不十分であるとして、プロ・アクティブ、アクティブ・サイバー・ディフェンスのような積極的な技術的対抗手段の実行を主張する議論も存在する。また国土安全保障省は、選挙インフラを重要インフラの一つとして指定した。

    EUは、選挙へのサイバー攻撃が2016年アメリカ大統領選挙において顕在化した後、選挙をサイバーセキュリティの重要な政策領域として位置づけるようになった。フェイクニュース対策は、デジタル単一市場創設という政策領域の一分野として位置づけられ、SNSを利用した世論誘導については表現の自由という基本的人権の侵害であると捉えられている。2018年1月にはフェイクニュース及び虚偽情報流布に関する有識者会合が設置され、4月に公表された最終報告書では「多元的な対応」が提案された。EUは特に世論を誘導する情報を媒介するプラットフォーマーに焦点を当てており、2018年7月までに共通の行動規範を策定して遵守することを求めた。

    これらを参照して、日本において理念・原理・制度を守るためのサイバーセキュリティ法制のあり方とその限界についての検討を試みることにしたい。

  • 千葉 立也
    地理学評論
    1978年 51 巻 3 号 235-244
    発行日: 1978/03/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    Electoral geography, which deals, for the most part, with the regional variations in voting behavior, has occupied one of the main field of the study on the political behavior or on the opinion. Some new ways of research have been introduced in this field and these are summarised here in reference to main and important articles of electoral geography.
    1) One of the traditional view points represented by Siegfried is that the political opinion is concerned much more with the social integration of the community through the activities and influences of the social, political and economic organizations or groups. Without this point of view, quantification of each socio-economic element would not be able to clarify the complex relations between community and opinion of its residents.
    2) On the other hand, the behavioral approach, represented by Cox, considers spatial elements which are important in the behavior and decision and gives its own explanation in the field of geographical studies to the modeling of voting behavior within the spatial context. But many problems remain to be solved; measuring of the network structure, the information flow and the attitude changed by the acceptance of information, tempo-spatial generalization from the results of small-scale sampling survey to large-scale voting characteristics and so on.
    3) Kasperson and McPhail, for example, have recently written some interesting articles which show one of the recent trends in this field. This is the dynamic analysis of areal differentiation in voting behavior and its influence upon the political system through the electoral results. These new points of view in electoral geography within the field of political geography should introduce more of the works done in the recent accomplish ments in social geography so as to elaborate the analysis of spatial pattern in voting behavior.
  • 増山 幹高
    年報政治学
    2009年 60 巻 1 号 1_79-1_109
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2013/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
      Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.
  • 植原 亮
    科学基礎論研究
    2007年 35 巻 1 号 11-20
    発行日: 2007/12/25
    公開日: 2010/02/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    The theory of knowledge as a natural kind holds that knowledge has a theoretical unity in the causal structure of the world. Since knowledge supports causal explanation and prediction, we can investigate knowledge empirically like other natural kinds such as water. But epistemological nihilism holds that knowledge does not have such a theoretical unity because we can always observe the diversity of knowledge. This paper aims to defend the theory of knowledge as a natural kind from epistemological nihilism. To do this, I will suggest that we can understand knowledge as a biological kind like species or organs, and then accommodate the diversity of knowledge to this viewpoint positively.
  • 大会実行委員会
    公共選択の研究
    2009年 2009 巻 53 号 63-71
    発行日: 2009/12/15
    公開日: 2013/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森脇 俊雅
    公共選択の研究
    1992年 1992 巻 20 号 65-75
    発行日: 1992/12/05
    公開日: 2010/10/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the provisions of the United States constitution the number of House members in each state is ruled to be reallocated on the basis of population shift every ten years. In addition the federal law requires the equal size of population in each district, and making districts is ruled by state law. However, redistricting had been delayed because of political reasons until the land-mark decisions were made by the United States Supreme Court in the early 1960 s. After the Baker vs. Carr case (1962) and the Wesberry vs. Sanders case (1964), redistricting drastically started from federal to local level.
    There are several conditions for making districts, namely the equal size of population, minority voting rights, compactness, contiguity and the respect of county and city border. Among these conditions the equal size of population and minority representation are absolutely emphasizes while the other conditions are relatively ignored. This causes a serious problem, the so-called gerrymandering. Redistricting seriously influences the political fortune of incumbent representatives and the power of political parties. Politicians desire to draw the district lines in their favors, and party officials want to increase seats of their party and to decrease the opponent. Conflicts and quarrels frequently happens in the process of redistricting. We see often dead locks and confusions in the seasons of redistricting.
    Redistricting itself is one of the most important way of realizing democratic electoral system. In reality, however, the contemporary American way of redistricting faces serious troubles. In order to maintain and promote democratic electoral system the rules and practices of redistricting must be reformed.
  • 大宮 武郎
    法政論叢
    1997年 33 巻 90-98
    発行日: 1997/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    (1) In the electoral system of from three to five members district, an author's theory is different from the leading one in academy. (2) In electoral system of one single member district, my opinion is the same as Anglo-Saxon style. (3) The end of this new system in Japan is to sending oversea self-defensive forces by amendment of the article 9. (4) In post cold war, it is erroneous to send them by reason of the collapse of Soviet Russia.
  • 網中 政機
    法政論叢
    1992年 28 巻 11-21
    発行日: 1992/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The political reform which the Liberal Democratic Party made, pledged on reflection of the so-called "RECRUIT" scandal, has been shelved less than two weeks after Mr. Miyazawa took over reins of the govenment. Therefore, a drastic revision of the electoral system has been postponed for the time being. This paper refers to the revision of the electoral system from four view-points. 1 What kind of electoral system should be adopted? The 8th Electroral System Council's Report must be respected, because it is sensitive to the will of the people, and makes a change of government with ease. 2 The criterion for deviation. In theory, it is one-to-one. Since equal representation for equal numbers of people is the fundamental goal of the House of Representatives, the "as nearly as practicable" standard requires that Parliament meke a good faith effort to achive mathematical equality. 3 The method of apportionment and distriction. I interpreted as follow:the block system with Expanded Self-Govenment Theory (Federal system, Doushiyuu system) must be adopted for both single-member and proportional constituency. Because by this the deviation of the single-member constituency may be approximately one-to-one. 4 The keyword of an electoral system's reform. There are two keywords;an accurate representation and a change of government, but the latter is primary. Since a change of government serves as the greatest prevention against corruption, and a general election serves as a change for the selection of a new government, they generate tension for an election.
  • 西平 重喜
    選挙研究
    2005年 20 巻 5-18,224
    発行日: 2005/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    選挙制度を議員の選出方法に限れば,小選挙区制と比例代表制の理念ははっきりしている。前者はなるべく狭い地域で選挙をして,選挙民が人柄のよく分かった代表を議会に送り出そうとする。後者は選挙民の意見の縮図を議会に作り出そうというものである。これ以外の選挙制度の理念は,この2つの制度を,それぞれの社会の実情に合わせようということで,やや違った次元の理念といえるだろう。
    「政治改革から10年」の特集といえば,中選挙区制を廃止し並立制が採用されたのは,どんな理念によるものかが問題になる。この変更にあたっての論議の重点は,安定した政権の樹立や政権交替がしやすい選挙方法という点におかれた。あるいは少しでも中選挙区制による閉塞状態を動かしてみようという主張が強かったようだ。
    ここではまず各選挙制度の理念や長所短所の検討から始める。そして最後に私の選挙制度についての理念である比例代表制の提案で結ぶ。
  • 葉山 明
    選挙研究
    1997年 12 巻 134-144,288
    発行日: 1997/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1990, an African American was voted into a federal office in Louisiana for the first time since 1874. In 1992, an additional African American was elected. What happened in Louisiana in the 1990s?
    In an attempt to answer the question, this paper analyzes the federal Voting Rights Act (VRA) and argues that its 1982 amendment triggered many states including Louisiana to create as many black majority districts as possible even at the sacrifice of their compactness. The federal judiciary has ruled recently, however, that racial gerrymandering is contrary to the VRA and to the U. S. Constitution, thereby discrediting most black majority districts. The paper concludes with a discussion of some alternative strategies for black political empowerment.
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