Chinese trade unions have been faced with a set of new challenges under marketization. First, they are faced with a decline in their membership that is accompanied by both a rapid increase in the private sector and by the restructuring of state-owned enterprises. Secondly, an increase in labor-management conflicts among the ‘working class’ is occurring and needs to be managed more effectively in terms of practical day-to-day operations and in the equally important arena of ideology. These new conditions have made some union cadres and scholars clearly recognize the necessity for revitalization of trade unions as a distinct interest group of laborers. The discussions on the fundamental reforms, including the reforms of the personnel and financial management systems of the trade unions, have been heated.
This paper focuses on the controversies surrounding the general membership, the cadre management and financial management systems, and categorizes them into a passive reform approach and a drastic reform approach.
The aim of a passive reform approach is to enlarge the roles of the trade unions as interest groups, while maintaining relations with and their position as a part of the party and thegovernment. The proponents of this approach argue that trade union membership should be open not only to management staff of state-owned enterprises but also to private entrepreneurs who are now redefined as responsible parties to build socialism according to the‘ Three Represent’ theory. Regarding the trade union cadre management system, this approach advocates letting vice-party chairpersons or vice-administrative managers serve as chairpersons of basic-level trade unions concurrently in order to elevate the position of the trade unions. As for financial matters, this approach proposes to commission the tax revenue department to collect union dues from enterprises in order to solve the problem of non-payment and it even proposes to redefine the union dues as ‘workers’ rights and interests protection tax’.
Unlike passive reform, the aim of a drastic reform approach is to make the trade unions more independent from the party and the government by separating personnel and financialmanagement systems. In order to facilitate and support them to better represent and protect bluecollar workers’ interests, this approach precludes private entrepreneurs or management staff of state-owned enterprises from being union members. Regarding the cadre management systems, the drastic reform approach opposes letting entrepreneurs and their relatives and even the management of state-owned enterprises become committee members of basic-level trade unions.Direct elections of chairpersons of basic-level trade unions; the establishment by local-level trade unions of a cadre-bank to send appropriate staff to basic levels; and recruiting local trade union committee members based on examinations, are notable examples of drastic reforms that aim to empower the unions to manage their own cadres independently of the party and the government.Moreover, proponents of the drastic reform approach feel that the trade unions should not depend financially on enterprises but should rely only on their membership fees. And they are also negative about asking the tax revenue departments to collect union dues as it may confuse financial affairs of trade unions with administrative financial affairs.
The trade union reform movement seems to be advancing very slowly, caught in a cleft stick between these two approaches. However, the controversies contain significant policy arguments which could generate tremors to shake the foundations of national ideology and the one-party system.

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In the late Ch'ing period, there were three custom systems, traditional native custom system(常関制度), newly established li-jin system(厘金制度) and maritime custom system(洋関制度). From the financial viewpoint of the Ch'ing dynasty, the relations of three customs system were the process of traditional native custom system giving way to the li-jin system, controlled by the provincial governor, then to the maritime custom system, centrally controlled by the inspector general of customs(総税務司). In November 1901, part of the native customs went under control by nearby maritime customs, which was the result of the Yi-he-tuan(義和団)indemnity problem. But in that background, there was the collapse of the traditional native custom system. The Ch'ing central government attmpted to strengthen the matitime custom system in order to reorganize its custom's revenue.

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The results of the PLC (Palestinian Legislative Council) election in January 2006 surprised international society with the ascension of Hamas as the ruling party. It was the first national election that Hamas officially participated in, but it succeeded in attracting votes as an alternative to Fatah—the dominant party of the PLO since the liberation movement began. The rise to power of Hamas made Israel, the EU and the United States anxious about its foreign policy, and compelled them to impose severe economic sanctions on the new government. As a result, the inauguration of the new government changed the geo-political map of the region.
This article focuses on this change, and investigates the relationship between the governmental change and its new foreign policy. Special attention is paid to Hamas as an Islamic party and its response to national and international politics. How has its ascension affected the relationship between it as a governing party and international society? What kind of foreign policy does the Islamic party envision for the future of the conflict with Israel? What has been the impact of the international reaction on internal politics? These questions will be answered in this paper.
The first section deals with the results of the PLC election and clarifies the reasons for Hamas’s success in 2006. Several factors are pointed to as contributing to this, including its grassroots support, the rivalry with Fatah, and Fatah’s failure in its electoral strategy. The second section illustrates the reaction by international society to the ascension of the Hamas as an Islamic party. The conditions presented to it by Israel and the Quartet for the lifting of sanctions are detailed. In comparison to these conditions, Hamas’s position on conflict resolution and negotiation is studied by analyzing its charter and statements. In addition, its concept for peace talks—cease fire—is investigated. The last section discusses the diplomacy of the Hamas government after the economic sanctions were imposed. The support from Russia and Iran, and its limits, and the changed regional geopolitics are explained. In reflecting on the diplomatic situation, the attempt at reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, and its institutional disturbance is also investigated in this section.
The rise of Islamic parties has become a commonplace phenomenon in the contemporary Middle East. The case of Hamas can be evaluated as a precedent for this, and the analysis of the logic, the interaction with internal politics, and the influence of international society should be investigated as a significant historical reference point. The study will suggest possible courses of action in diplomacy.

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本研究の目的は,社会系のメディア・シンフォニック電子教科書の開発を,小学校高学年/中学校用国際単元ソフトの作成を通じて試みることにある。筆者は,社会科の本質は,社会事象を空間(地理),時間(歴史),普遍(公民)そしてわたくし(自己)の4視点から捉える力を学習者につけることを使命とするところにあると考えている。本研究の成果は,1)異なる社会の仕組みをもつ,ニュージーランド,フランス,ドイツそして韓国について,上記4視点からの国際理解を基礎に,それをこえたグローバルな理解を育成する教材ソフトと指導案のモデルを提唱することができたこと,2)OSフリーな社会系の教材開発の手法をしめすことで,この種の教材に関心のある教師にインセンティブを与える提案ができたこと,にある。

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「2020年度国家老齢事業発展公報」によると、2020年11月1日零時、中国全土における60歳以上の老年人口は2億6,402万人、総人口に占める割合は18.7％に達した。そのうち、65歳以上の高齢者人口は1億9,064万人で、総人口に占める割合は13.5％になった。 高齢化のスピードは予想以上に高まっている現状では、高齢者向けサービスの充実を一層図らなければならない。中国務院は2022年2月21日、「第14次5カ年（2021～2025年）計画期間における国家高齢者事業の発展と養老サービス体系に関する計画」（以下、計画）を発表した。本論文は、同計画の主な内容を紹介したうえ、今後5年間展開される中国の高齢化対策を考えたい。

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