現在のJR吉祥寺駅周辺市街地（東京都武蔵野市）は、近世に成立した新田集落のもつ短冊形地割が街区・街路形態に継承されており、近代以降の市街化過程の基盤となった。本稿では近世における短冊形地割の成立過程と、近世から近代へと引き継がれた短冊形地割の空間的特徴を具体的に明らかにすることを目的とする。そこで同時期に開発された旧吉祥寺村・西窪村・下連雀村を対象とする。寛文期の開発された三村は1657年に起きた明暦の大火後の住民移転による新田開発という歴史的経緯から、間口20間×奥行8間の奥行の浅い屋敷設定など、他の武蔵野の新田集落とは異なる共通性が見られる一方で、吉祥寺村では本宿（集落）と野田（耕地）と呼ばれる二種類の短冊形地割など、地域的な特徴があることが、寛文期の地割の復原的考察から明らかになった。また西窪村・下連雀村では、近世の間に人口増加へ対応するために、短冊形地割の間口が二分割され、宅地へと変換されていった。

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This paper explicates sources on survey errors which has not been made clear sufficiently so far in a composed process on the cadastral system of Japan. The origin of the present system was the grand survey carried out by Taiko Hideyoshi in the 16^th century. The purpose of the survey was to evaluate individual land subject to taxation as well as to identify the landowners' names (most of them were farmers). The registered area of respective arable lands was about 10-20 % smaller than its real area. The extra area was called Nawa-nobi which literally meant a stretch of rope for survey.
The author studied the actual level of survey technology, situation of taxation and land use in the Edo period. The result proves that Nawa-nobi was rational actions for the land management system at that time.

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I will consider the Onto Service of Suwa-Taisha and the organization of “muras” (villages) which was called the Ontogo, in recent times, pointing at the relations between Konoma mura-Shinsha and its “shindens” in its “zinai”. (village's territory established in Keicho age-about 1600 AC) and I will study the elements which consisted in that organization, and its changes.
Even if shinden-kaihatsu (to bring under cultivation and make new village) was carried out in any ways or under any conditions, it meant to reduce and limit the living basis of farmers in “Koson” (old villages). Therefore it is very important how the farmers in the “Shinden” (new village) established their living basis against the old and obtained approval at last through the lord's authority, and how the feudal lords controlled the old and new villages.
And further, in the circumstances above-mentioned partnerships are given between the farmers in the old and new villages. That is villages-union-tax payment, exaction-charge, commons utilization, irrigations etc. I think it is important what sort of significance the said circumstances had in the relationship between the unions and villages as their elements or changes of them.
I took up especially the Onto-Service and Ontogo (the villages-union organized for Onto-Service) by the following reason.
At first, Suwa-Taisha has been as the uzigami of Shin-shi (Suwa-shi) as well as the “So-chinju” (general and highest rank shrine) of the people in Shin-shi's land. In recent times, the belebration was taken place by 15 villages-unions, Ontogo. Therefore the study of the “koson” and “Shinden” in religious service system is an aid to understand how they admitted each position and their alternation.
I will tell briefly about the Onto-Service and the Ontogo of Suwa-Taisha. The Onto gas elected yearly by the “Kami-Uranai” and it joined all celebrations in that year to service to the Shrine by helping the “Shinshoku”. The religious service system of Suwa-Taisha mainly consisting of the Onto service was affected by the political and social conditions of each period, and so was connected with the social structure. In recent times, the religious service system was represented by the “Ontogo” organized by the daimyo, Suwa-shi.
By the reason above-mentioned, I think when we consider the social relationship between the “mura” and “Shinden” throgh the religsous service system of “Sochinju” in the feudal clan's territory, we should study not only each relationship of “muras”, but also inner structure of a “mura”. In the concrete, we should remark in what position “murayakunins” (village-officers) joining in the Onto-Service, heads of some families, were and how it changed.
Next, in Suwa district most “chinju” in “buraku” (village shrine) had the “Onbashira” celebration every seventh year like Suwa-Taisha, and most “Iezin” (a protecting deity of “maki” -so-called dozuku) had that celebration in smaller scale. That brings a following hypothesis. “These deities for worship of iezins and chinjus are not always same to that of Suwa-Taisha, ” Dr. Ariga said.
Admitting the quotation above, we can make out a part of political system of the “maki”, the “mura”, and Suwa-shi (a daimyo and feudal clan), by considering each religious service system of “iezin”, “chinju”, and Suwa-Taisha, and relationship in each other.
I will treat the said subject with that intention.

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There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.
For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.
In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.

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Originally the Ie, the Japanese family, contained within itself factors of both the extended family and the kinship relationship. The question is how this family and the village, the combination of families have come into existence and continued in their concrete forms in the framework of the feudalism. Then in course of time under specific socio-historical conditions, factors of the extended family came to reveal themselves and led to establishment and growth of the extended family system. And then feudalism helps to develop the extended family system in one respect, but in another it hinders its development. Then afterwards, tinder certain conditions, factors of the kinship came to reveal themselves and led to establishment and growth of the kinship relationship. The present thesis is intended to throw some light on the historico-developmental aspect of the extended family system by examining it in the framework of feudalism, by choosing a concrete example in a mountain village. The results may be summarized as follows.
1) Each of the independent small villages of the early modern times was composed of one or two compactly organized extended families, of which the honke (the main family) constituted a compound family having more or less medieval characteristics. Each small village was under the rule of the feudal lord as kado (a taxation unit) and every honke as kado-yakunin (kado official) who were responsible for paying taxes to the lord.
2) There were several types of the extended family at the time. There were firstly, a type where almost all those expected to found the bunke (branch families) whether they were consanguineous or not, were organized into the compound family of the honke ; secondly, a type where the bunke founder won a high degree of economic independence, though living in the same yashiki (compound) as the honke; thirdly, where bunke gained economic independence.
The present writer uses the word dõzoku-sei (the extended family Institution) as a concept comprising all these types in it.
3) Afterwards more and more bunke were founded from within the Ie. Thus the extended family system developed itself and the feudal lord seems to have encouraged the process from above.
4) The following is an outline of the developing process of the village and the extended family system with special reference to the way the land of an Ie was localized in the village. In the early modern times when the village was formed, every kado had their land in a concentrated form, but the land came to be split up in pieces which were mixed up with one another. The kado institution as defined above came to be disorganized and the whole village split itself in two kado. The process was caused, to a considerable degree, by the complicated localization of the land of every kado. At least the village itself seems to have had to undergo this process irrespective of the policy adopted by the lord.
5) By looking at the complication of land localization, the rise and fall of each lineage can be distinctly known. Further examination reveals that every small village itself suffered a historical change as every Ie and extended family followed the ecological process of dominance, invasion, change of dominance in their respective distinct.
6) So long as the process of change in village, with village districts as its pilot, can be seen from a historico-dynamic standpoint, the role of the baitoku-bunchi (land purchased by the honke and given to the bunke).
7) The extended family system became disorganized in every village-distinct where the extended family institution was developed, accompanied by the baitoku-bunchi.

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