In the fourth month of Zhongdatong 中大通 3(531), about thirty years after the Qi 斉 dynasty of the Southern Dynasties had been replaced by the Liang 梁 and at a time when the realm was at peace, the emperor Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (Wudi ) was confronted with the question of choosing a successor. His eldest son Xiao Tong 薫統 (Zhaoming Taizi 昭明太子), the crown prince, had died suddenly at the early age of thirty one. At the time, the major contender for the position of successor to the throne was considered to be Xiao Tong's eldest son Xiao Huan 蕭歓. But after the position of crown prince had been left vacant for about three months, it was to much surprise Wudi's third son Xiao Gang 蕭綱 -Xiao Tong's uterine brother and the subsequent emperor Jian-wen-di 簡文帝 who was designated crown prince by Wudi. This deviated from the principles of the contemporary inheritance system, and it has generally been considered that this investiture of Xiao Gang as crown prince, which caused popular disquiet, had its origin in antagonism between Wudi and Xiao Tong and became one of the causes of the political upheavals towards the end of the Liang. But it can hardly be said that there has until now been adequate discussion of Wudi's intentions in reaching what was an extremely important political decision, namely, the nomination of crown prince. In this article, I undertake an analysis of the background to this incident and examine the reasons for Xiao Gang's investiture as crown prince. In doing so, I ascertain the nature of the institution of crown prince from the Qin 秦 and Han through to the Northern and Southern Dynasties and touch on the characteristics of the institution of crown prince during the Southern Dynasties. I do this because it is to be supposed that, through an examination of the background to and characteristics of this political question, some light may be shed on the distinctive nature of the crown prince during the Six Dynasties and also on the historical position in which crown princes found themselves in ancient China.

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酎祭は漢代の皇帝が毎年八月に宗廟で挙行し、諸侯王と列侯(諸侯)が参列した儀礼である。本稿では酎祭の内容などの概要を把握するとともに、前漢前半期におけるその政治的意義と変遷とを考察する。酎祭は漢王朝創立期に秦制を引き継いで策定された。文帝期に諸侯が「酎金」を献上し「助祭」する規定が設けられて、皇帝の威信を帯びた黄金を媒介として、祭儀の挙行を通じて皇帝と諸侯との政治秩序を更新する儀礼となった。この政治秩序は、先秦時代の天子と「諸侯」のそれの延長に位置づけられる。景帝期に高祖と文帝の廟を尊んでその酎祭を皇帝親祭とし、諸侯の使者の参列を義務化したことで、二廟の酎祭の大祭としての威容が整った。また高級官僚の子弟を舞人とする皇帝の功績をかたどる舞楽の演奏が加わり、漢王朝の記憶を伝承し帰属意識を醸成する場となった。期に列侯層の構成が変化し、周辺諸族との関係も変わる中で、酎祭も改訂されたと考えられる。

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This article attempts to elucidate institutions of imperial rule under the Han dynasty by examining the way in which the Later Han developed the Former Han's political system formed from the reign of Wudi onwards and describing the structure of the political system that was created as a result. In order to resolve these issues, the author discusses the spatial relationship between the workplace and living space of the emperor and empress dowager and the workplaces of their officials, while throwing into relief the structure of the political system of the Later Han, in an attempt to present the process behind its formation in visual form. He then goes on to examine the realities of imperial institutions with respect to the three aspects of government organization, political history, and political space. Beginning with Wudi, the emperors of the Former Han attempted to exercise their rule by stationing a group of close aides, known as officials of the Inner Court (neichao guan 内朝官), within the area of the imperial palace where the emperors themselves resided. These officials were entrusted with both policymaking and document-based communications. However, imperial in-laws seized control of these Inner Court officials and began to exercise enormous power, leading eventually to Wang Mang's 王莽 usurpation of the throne. In response to this turn of events, the emperors of the Later Han scaled down and restructured their group of close aides, in order to prevent governance centred upon officials of the Inner Court and thus strengthen their own system of rule. In addition, they transferred responsibility for policymaking and document-based communications to officials whose main place of work was outside the imperial palace (either in their own offices or in the Outer Court (waichao 外朝, i.e., conference halls). These officials included the three dukes (sangong 三公), military generals (jiangjun 将軍 the nine chamberlains (jiuqing 九卿), and the imperial secretariat (shangshutai 尚書台). In light of the above developments, the author suggests that the Later Han was not a dynasty that blindly took over the Former Han's system of imperial rule in situ, but was rather one that reorganized in a major way the political system engineered by its predecessor in a search for new imperial institutions. However, the author recognizes that although the political reorganization described here did have a short-term effect in strengthening the system of imperial rule, it was not necessarily very effective in the long term, since from the very outset the whole system itself already contained within it serious contradictions.

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It is well known that granting yinshou 印綬 (a seal with a sash attached) indicated an official appointment during the Han period, but the actual function of yinshou and the system by which it was granted are not very clear.This paper examines why the Han dynasty granted yinshou to its bureaucrats and what kind of function yinshou performed. The key to examing the meaning behind the granting of yinshou is cigao 賜告 (sick leave specially allowed bureaucrats of the erqianshi 二千石 class).Bureaucrats with cigao were allowed to return home (guijia 帰家) holding yinshou and lead their subordinates.OGATA Isamu 尾形勇, who has verified the idea of an oppositional structure between gong 公 (the public sector) and si 私 (the private sector), explains that the word 'guijia' means leaving the gong-sector and returning to the si-sector.It is said that yinshou was the mark of appointment, in the gong-sector, but this view conflicts with holding yinshou while on cigao.Therefore, the author argues that yinshou was not granted in order to indicate official appointment.On the other hand, appointments that did not indicate class differences was not granted yinshou. Eventually, to lead subordinates in the gong-sector, bureaucrats a llowed cigao had to hold yinshou despite being in the si-sector. Holding yinshou while on cigao shows us that a person who belonged to si-sector could lead subordinates in the gong-sector by virtue of yinshou-i.e., sikokukouzou (a constitution resembling cigao) according to the author.All feng-jun 封君 of the Han dynasty were under the same system structure, indicating that the Han empire ran in contradiction, since it formally governed based on the fengianzhi 封建制 system, but in reality was based on the junxianzhi 郡県制 system.

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The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi . The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.

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This paper is an attempt to clarify the following points : 1.Liang in the Han () period are the people and their families upon whom the government imposed basic taxes and public service, i.e., tien tsu (田租) and keng yao (更〓). In the early Six Dynasties the emperor had private citizens (not nu pei (奴婢)) upon whom he based his power, and allowed the government officials, according to their rank, to have a certain number of private citizens (not nu pei) as k'o (客), exempting them from taxes and public service. This is similar to the feudal system, and k'o may be regarded as liang. We can say that the emergence of liang was a response to that of the new political system. 2.Later in the Six Dynasties the emperor wanted to become the absolute monarch, but he could not disregard the system of k'o hu (客戸) and the powerful clans who contributed to the emergence of the system. K'o became pu ch'u (部曲) in the Northern Dynasties, and we may also take pu ch'u as liang. Those who were registerd only in the central government (e.g. yueh hu (楽戸)) were liang in the Northern Dynasties. Liang in the liang chien system (=the liang nu (良奴) system) had the above mentioned qualities, and there we can notice the formal traces of liang of the early Six clynasties. 3."Nu pei," caused by perpetual flesh traffic, were sometimes called liang in the Six Dynasties. This was due to the complicated fact that liang had a strong quality of pedigree and that the government tried to turn "nu pei" back into their former order of peasants, regarding the existence of "nupei" as unlawful.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the development of the Si chuan 四川 region from late Warring States to the Han period, focusing on alluvial fan water control systems. The western part of Si chuan was called "Shu" 蜀 in ancient times. Shu was conquered by the Qin Dynasty in the late 4 century. Li ping 季冰, the governor of Shu constructed a dam on the Du Jiang Yan 都江堰. It has been regarded that after its completion the Du Jiang Yan was used successfully for irrigation and Shu changed to a granary region, becoming a great source of strength for the Qin state and empire. The Du Jian Yan was constructed on the large chend Du plain. At the beginning it supplied water only to the central part of the alluvial fan at chen Du 成都 and Bi 〓. Many people immigrated to cheng Du in order to deveolp the plain. The Qin hydraulic system was limited to the chend Du plain, but during the Han period systems were built on every compound alluvial fan. The cities of the chuan Xi 川西 compound alluvial fan were located on the traffic route from Qin to chend Du. cities were located on 495m above sea level on the every alluvial fan, the height of cheng Du. Before the hydraulic systems were completed, these cities were very important for transportations. With the spread at water systems their function changed as every plain in chuan Xi developed as granary regions.

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In a previous paper "The Ma-nu-kuan and Iron Culture of the Hsiung-nu" (JJE Vol. 12, No, 3, 1948), Prof. Egami has advanced the theory that the Ma-nu-kuan (Horse-and-Bow Barrier) was the institutional barrier which prohibited the Chinese from exporting the horse, cross-bow (弩) and iron to the Hsiung-nu, and therefore the abolishment of this institution in 82 B.C. introduced the iron age to the Hsiung-nu. The author argues here that the Ma-nu-kuan was established by the Han Dynasty to prohibit their export not to the Hsiung-nu, but to other Chinese princedoms that might be hostile to the dynasty. It was not an international, but intra-national barrier, and its abolishment meant neither the removal of the embargo on the export of the horse and cross-bow to the Hsiung-nu, nor the cause of the beginning of the iron-age in the latter.

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