本研究は，近世大坂におけるの住居史的な解明を目的としたものである。すわなわち，その建築構成，施設の機能空間構成の特質等を明らかにし，さらに都市大坂との関わりをの年中行事を通して考察した。大坂関係の資料は各所に分散しているので，まず資料の所在確認を行い，約16藩の関係の資料を収集する事ができた。主に指図を分析した結果，東国と西国，大藩と小藩等で施設の構成等に差異がある事を明らかにした。また内には本国の代表的な社が勧請されており，その祭礼は「祭礼」として大坂の年中行事に掲げられている。は経済的な機能だけでなく，大阪の都市文化を考える上でも重要な施設であった事を指摘した。

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近世大坂には諸藩のが置かれていた。それらは江戸の大名屋敷とは異なって、各藩の必要性に応じて設置されるものであり、個別の事情に応じて、設置・廃止、あるいは移転するものであったことが特長である。幕府領である大坂に諸藩が土地を所有することはできなかった。そのため、名代という町人名義の屋敷を借りるという形式をとったが、実質は藩が所有しており、売買や質入れなどで所有者が表面化する時には名代を介するという場合があった。また、名目だけではなく、実質の部分でもを「借りる」という場合もあった。そのような選択肢があることで、の設置や移動が容易になった側面があり、そのことが幕藩制下における商業・流通都市としての大坂の活性化に大きな意味を持っていたと考えられる。

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This study is intended to elucidate the situation with the early stage of the Osaka Kurayashiki of the Saga Feudal Clan, changes in the premises, the architectural configuration and functions. The specific situation with the Osaka Kurayashiki can be presumed from the Tamatsukuri yashiki built in 1597. This yashiki is confirmed to have existed by November 6, 1600, but its subsequent existence is unknown. In 1605, the existence of the Temma yashiki was found. This yashiki had the feudal lord's residence called "onyakata" and a rice granary. It provided the functions of the upper and lower yashiki. The onyakata in the Genroku era consisted of various spaces for reception of customers, living facilities, services, a public office, and other purposes. As it was extended or rebuilt several times, those spaces were reorganized and improved. At the onyakata in the Kyoho era, the apace for the reception of customers was established and the independence of the space for living facilities was achieved. For this Purpose, "mura (hamlet)" and "akichi (opening)" were laid out to identify the function of each space.

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 Chapter 1. In this research, storehouses of domains in the Otsu rice market are studied, which do not have any architectural remains and not draw much attention in the architectural history, and the purpose is to clarify the principle of spatial structures and key points of building structures. I pointed out that the rice exchange house that controlled rice transactions occupied an important position in the Otsu rice market.
 Chapter 2. It shows past studies and procedures of the study. The six storehouses were examined, for which their conditions in the domain administration can be known from the drawing.
 Chapter 3. It shows the formation, positional relation between a rice exchange house and a storehouse, and facts of building arrangement for each storehouse. In Otsu town, the storehouses were established with the rice exchange house at the center. They can be classified according to the location. The type II formed a streetscape with shophouses. The one side of the site faced the street while the other side faced the Lake. On the other hand, Hikone-gura(type I) was located on the back of the shophouse, and its site was sticking out toward the Lake like peninsular. Regardless of the type, the storehouses in the later stage of domain administration could be divided into three sections: the residence of officers, the storage like storehouses and the place for unloading. And the front gate and the stepped pier called Gangi (or landing pier) are connected with the passage (or garden). When looking at building arrangement of the type II, regardless of the size of the site, a residence, storehouse and shrine were located closer to the rice exchange house. The wing of the storehouse was facing to the street. The front side of the shrine was facing to the passage. At the storehouse front or unloading place, there was a place with a fence called Haeba, and the three sections as described above also had fences on the border. On the other hand, building arrangement of Hikone-gura(type I) was different from the type II. The wing of the storehouse was not facing to the street while the front side of the shrine was facing to the street.
 Chapter 4. The meaning of common/different points in spatial structures clarified in Chapter 3 was studied. First, I thought that the three sections were formed according to conditions of transportation of goods in any storehouses. Second, building arrangement of the type II could be established based on spatial recognition with placing the rice exchange house at the higher level. As the result, the location of the main residence was determined, but rational utilization of the land was achieved by placing the storehouses next to the residence. With regard to Hikone-gura(type I) located on the back of the shophouse, its front gate was open at the corner of the site near the rice exchange house, and the main residence was located on the center of the site. Third, when looking from the storehouse, it was considered that the defense line was established by a fence of Haeba or partition on the border. Furthermore, all storehouses commonly had double defense lines on the lakeside. Fourth, the reason for building arrangement of Hikone-gura(type I) that differs from the type II could be due to special conditions of its location. Fifth, the shrine was arranged with the storehouse in mind.
 Chapter 5. In conclusion, the Otsu storehouse was formed based on the principle of spatial structures with transportation of goods, and lakeside defense was focused in the building structure.

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The purpose of this research is to explain the spatial structure of mikura-yashiki on the Mogami River in and out of the Yonezawa domain in the Edo Period. The mikura-yashiki were premises with residences and storehouses where agricultural products for sale were kept. Through my examination, the commonality and differences of the mikura-yashiki were found.

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Despite the huge body of research on the rice market of late premodern Japan, we still have not obtained a sufficient understanding of transactions involving rice warrants (komekitte 米切手), receipts issued to successful rice bidders (intermediaries) by warehouses. Given the current understanding of the instrument, it remains unclear about how cases in which receipts issued by the warehouse (dekitte 出切手) and warrants for rice not confirmed by warehouse inventory (karamai-kitte 空米切手) were differentiated and transacted in the marketplace. Without a clarification of this point, it would be impossible to ascertain the significance of the ban placed on karamai-kitte instruments by the Tokugawa Bakufu in 1761. In this article, the author uses the case study method to clarify the actual practice of rice warrant transactions to show that degitte and karamai-kitte were traded without distinction between their content. The only distinction that was made was when the warehouse refused to honor a warrant or there was anticipation that it would not. Based on this understanding, the author reexamines the Bakufu's decision to ban the use of karamai-kitte from the mid-eighteenth century until the last years of its rule, concluding that the ban paradoxically encouraged the issuance and sale of warrants for warehouse rice exceeding the actual inventories, thus strengthening the function of the Osaka rice market as a financial institution. That is to say, the ban on karamai-kitte meant a Bakufu guarantee that no warrant traded on the rice market could possibly suffer from default. In effect, even in the case of default, the ban enabled the holder of the warrant to petition the Bakufu functionary of Osaka to order that the warehouse honor the warrant with every means at its disposal.

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This paper tries to clarify the judicial system of the Tokugawa period by focusing particularly on the Osaka rice exchange market. It is well known that the Tokugawa Shogunate exercised jurisdiction over market trades not exclusively, but in a discretionary fashion. For example, while the claims of merchants in Osaka were fully guaranteed by the Shogunate court, the claims of merchants in Edo were sometimes handled in a discretionary manner by the Shogunate court. The important question is how did the Shogunate guarantee the claims of merchants operating in the Osaka rice exchange market, and why? Rice, collected as tax in kind and shipped by the feudal lords, was stored in warehouses ("kura-yashiki") located in Osaka, and sold at auction. Rice brokers who made successful bids received rice bills ("kome-kitte"), each worth 1,500kg of rice. In the 17th century, each rice bill corresponded to a particular amount of rice that the broker obtained at auction. Later, this correspondence broke down and rice bills took on the characteristics of securities. Issuing a rice bill not backed by inventory had not been permitted by the Shogunate since 1761. However, the Shogunate did not entirely suppress this kind of rice bill. While the governor of Osaka ("Osaka-machi-bugyo") implicitly allowed warehouses to issue unbacked rice bills, he forced the warehouses to respect the claims of the rice bill holders. This meant that claims over rice in kind, as represented by the rice bill, were protected by the court of the city of Osaka. This understanding is supported by the analysis of a "run on the warehouse." In 1791, the Chikugo warehouse ("Chikugo-Gura") failed to convert rice bills into rice in kind. In response, rice bill holders filed a lawsuit with the court of the city of Osaka. The governor of Osaka found for the rice bill holders, protecting the claim over rice in kind as represented by rice bills. As shown in this case, dishonoring a rice bill could lead to a systemic risk. For this reason the Shogunate strictly exercised jurisdiction over the Osaka rice exchange market. Supported by the judicial system provided by the Tokugawa Shogunate, the Osaka market functioned both as a rice exchange market and as a financial market through the latter half of the Tokugawa era.

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Brown Sugar had been produced in Okinawa since the early Edo period. It was handed over by the peasantry as payment of their feudal land taxes. Increasing domestic demand for brown sugar following the Meiji Reformation led to expanded production and it became a key commercial product of Okinawa Prefecture. The purpose of this paper is to syudy the distribution system as well as the role played by sugar merchants in the expansion of the market and the factors that contiributed to its end - from 1890's to 1930' s-. The basic points made are as follows: 1) The distribution system of Okinawan brown sugar comprised seven stages ; production by the peasantry ; brokers in Naha ; the consignor in Naha : the consignee in Osaka, brokers in Osaka , and thence to retailers and consumers. However the dominat party had, since the mid Edo period, been made up of Osaka sugar merchants, who were known as the Association of Eleven (juichikumi 11組). 2) By various means the Association of Eleven maintained monopolies over demand opposite to brokers in Okinawa, and over supply opposite to retailers in consumer areas, thus responding to increase in production by distributional means. 3) However, new developments in transport, communications and financial services, and the founding of agricultural cooperatives in Okinawa where the sugar was produced led to advances in direct shipment from Okinawa to consumer areas, resulting in the collaps of the seven-stage distribution system and the dssolution of the Association of Eleven.

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It is known that Osaka played a key role in Tokugawa economy. However, until it experienced changes in its nature after the middle of the 17th Century, it had not been the central market fitted to the Bakuhan system. In this paper, I tried to shed more light on the process of establishment of the goods circulation mechanism appropriate to the Bakuhan system by examining the changing nature of rice marchants (most of rice that they disposed of was collected by feudal lords from peasants) and its historical meanings. It has been a rather widely accepted view that the transfer from Samurai to Chonin (commoner) of the function of rice trader under the system of Kurayashiki (Daimyo's Rice Warehouse) meant the establishment of the market governed by officially authorized Osaka merchants. So, it has been a matter of major concern when "Chonin Kuramoto" (commoner keepers under Kurayashiki) emerged. In my opinion, however, all the "Chonin Kuramoto" in the Tokugawa Period did no necessarily play exactly the same economic role throughout the period. In this paper we were concerned not with the time of appearance of "Chonin Kuramoto" as such, but with the changing nature of "Chonin Kuramoto" and with the time of appearance of such "Chonin Kuramoto" that weer fitted to the policies of Tokugawa ruling class. I tried to divide the process of the change of Kuramoto-whether they were Samurai or Chonin-into three phases. The criterion in this division was what position in the rice trade institutions was given to the feudal lords compared with merchants. I emphasized that the relative power of merchants was declining over time and that in the final, third phase, the rice merchants had become mere commission agents of feudal lords; I think that such rice merchants are in fact "Chonin Kuramoto" in the historical sense of the term. Finally, I concluded that the establishment of such "Chonin Kuramoto" system was one of the evidences that the Tokugawa ruilng class had reached the point of virtual control of the circulation network over the country. According to my finding, "Chonin Kuramoto" in this sense seem to have appeared between the Kambun-Empo and the Genroku Era (1663-1703). This conclusion will be consistent with other facts which indicate changes in the nature of Osaka market. I mentioned as examples of such facts two phenomena, the establishment of Osaka wholesale merchants and the financing to lords by merchants in the final parts of the paper.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the riverside design in Osaka of the Edo period, which by making clear the relationship between managements, uses and the design of riverside. We grasped the management regulations of riverside in those days, and then selected 15 famous landscape portraits. According to the characteristics of uses in those landscape portraits were classified into terminal, market, landing place, and place of entertainment. We analyzed the relationship between the uses and the design of riverside; as a result, we made clear that the riverside was designed to secure by the management regulations and to function by the characteristics of uses in each places.

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本船は,マルシェ・グループ「屋形船」事業部の新造船で,野田興業(株)で平成2年2月28日進水,4月のお花見より就航,50人乗りの小型船舶検査機構の検査による旅客船である. 大坂のに出入りした各藩の大名の御座船をモデルにした屋形船で,全長16.6m,トイレも完備した宴会用の鋼製和船形の船舶である. 船名は,マルシェ・グループの社名を船名としてマルシェ丸と命名,屋形船事業部として運営にあたっている.

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