本稿の目的は，①魚介類の自動車営業活動が盛んな東京都の状況と，②かつて営業が盛んであった山間地域における営業活動の変容を把握することであった。要約すると，以下のことが明らかになった。

1）営業者の増減率から各都道府県は，ⅰ．営業者増加地域，ⅱ．減少率が30％未満の地域，ⅲ．減少率が30～50％の地域，ⅳ．減少率50％以上の地域に分けることができた。

2）東京都で活動の盛んな足立，江戸川，江東，大田の4区をみると，高齢者が多くて魚介類の需要が大きく，魚市場が存在するなどの共通点がみられた。

3）山間地域においては，魚介類自動車営業がすたれたところと，現在でも活動が盛んなところにはっきりと分かれた。

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Itinerant peddling has played an important role in the retailing of seafood predating shop-selling in Japan. The origins of peddling forms we find today go back to the early Meiji Period (the late 19th century). In this period, the goods dealt with by peddlers were salt, fish and shellfish, which included fresh, salted and dried varieties. The author has classified the retail forms from the viewpoint of the relationships in the goods, the place of purchase, and markets:
I: salt-peddling.
II: peddling of fresh fish and shellfish,
II-a: from the suburban fishing villages to urban region,
II-b: from the fishing villages located in the region which distibutes the salted and dried fish to urban region, to the neighbouring farming villages,
II-c: from the remote fishing villages to their neighbouring farming villages,
II-d: activity within the urban region.
III: the peddling of salted and dried fish (from the remote fishing villages to the broader hinterlands).
Since modern times, however, such trade forms of peddling have been largely transformed along with the changing socio-economic circumstances. For instance, first the salt-peddling disappeared through the enforcement of the salt monopoly-system. Also, the peddling areas of fresh fish expanded and the remote fishing villages were included in the distribution-networks of the cities with the development of transportation facilities.
The aim of this paper is to consider the spatial pattern of such behaviour, because some past studies on peddling in Japan have been lacking in this viewpoint. For this purpose, the writer first tried to make clear the distribution and distinctions of the peddling forms all over Japan and next investigated in detail the distribution and behavioural patterns of peddling in the San'in District, Western Japan.
The results are as follows:
1. The peddling forms according to how the goods are carried are classified as follows; a), carrying poles with hanging bamboo baskets (“Ninaiuri”), b), bamboo baskets carried on the head (“Kaberi” or “Itadaki”), c), handcarts, d), bicycles, e), motorcycles, f), automobiles.
But a) and b) disappeared about 1960; c) and d) have been used since about 1960; e) and f) since about 1965.
2. The number of peddlers who can be observed today is estimated to be roughly 37, 600 persons. Among them, the number using automobiles is about 15, 500 persons.
3. The peddlers, except for those using automobiles mostly distribute to the markets located at the place of seafood production and the fishing villages in the metropolitan suburbs. On the other hand, the automobile-using peddlers are mainly working in the inland and isolated regions. Furthermore, in the San'in District, the latter spread remarkably from seashore inland.
4. The motives for forming a peddling group are to purchase the goods in the same place, or to use the same transportation facilities.
5. Finally, the behavioural patterns of peddling are classified as follows according to the distinctions among peddling forms and purchase-place:
I: peddling in the place of production,
II: paddlinng in the place of consumption,
A: peddling without automobiles,
B: peddling with automobiles.
Therefore, these combinations make four types; I-A, I-B, II-A and II-B. In the San'in District, with respect to the age structure of peddling groups, in general, A) consists mainly of an old-aged class and B) of a middle-aged class. Concerning the sex of the peddlers, females predominate in I-A. On the other hand, the number of males increases more in proportion as the types tend towards I-B, II-A and II-B. These groupings can be further divided into twelve behavioural patterns.
I hope that such results gained from this case study can be applied to more general issues.

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　従来の華僑研究では、華僑の集中居住地である横浜、神戸などの開港場に焦点を当てたうえ、彼らをもっぱら中国の社会・文化の一部として捉え、その「異質性」についての分析に重点が置かれてきた。また日本の農村に関する研究においては、華僑について、ほとんど言及されてこなかった。この点を踏まえ、本稿では、一九世紀末期から戦前まで日本の農村地域で呉服

をしていた福建省出身の華僑に注目し、彼らの生業・暮らしを含む生活実践の諸相を、その「生活世界の総体」としての日本（地域）社会という文脈から解読すると同時に、そこに映し出された日本の農村像の分析を試みた。

　一九二〇年に来日した福建の呉服

人江氏の回想録を手がかりに、彼の足跡をたどることで、福岡の鉱業や足利の織物業など、明治以降の近代産業の隆盛が農村にもたらした物質的繁栄とともに、依然として生活必需品を人に頼らざるを得ない、近代化に取り残された「伝統的」な農村の一面を浮き彫りにした。逆説的に言えば、これらは福建出身の呉服人を引き寄せ、彼らの生業を可能にした要素であった。一方、市場経済と競争原理が農村まで浸透した結果、貧富の差が拡大し、子どもの売買、女性の「誘拐」（国際結婚）などの諸問題にも、人が何かしらの形で関わっていたことも明らかになった。

　「異文化」的な存在でありながら、村人と同じ生活空間を共有しつつ、「人間同士」の付き合いをしていた呉服

人は、当時変貌しつつあった農村風景をなす一部であった。しかし一方、日本が国民国家、「帝国」として膨張していくにつれて、人は「日本人」の対極に置かれ、「よそ者」、「敵国人」として排除されるようになった。このプロセスも、人たちの実体験についての分析を通して明確にすることができた。このような福建の人と村人との多重的関係性は、今日の日本社会の多民族・多文化的状況を考える際の手掛かりにもなりうる。

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