政治にまったく興味を持っていなかった筆者が、一歩間違えれば重大事故に繋がりかねない危険な保育を目の当たりにし、市議会議員となり、一人の議員として子どもの事故を予防するために活動する中で、より確実な成果を出すためには組織の力が必要と考え、超党派の地方

を設立した。現在80名を超える所属議員は、互いに連携・協力して子どもの安全に関する問題に取り組んでいる。その活動は地域を変え、国を動かしてきた。今後は子どもの事故予防に関心を持つ地方議員をさらに増やし、議員がこので学び、その学びをそれぞれの議会に持ち帰り、提言をして成果を出す。そしてその成果が地域住民からの評価につながり、再び選挙で選ばれる。このような好循環を生み出し、全国で子どもの事故予防活動が活発に行われ、結果的に子どものケガが減る社会を作っていきたい。

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This research uses a case study to show how and why Japan’s Basic Act on Sports was enacted. The Basic Act on Sports is a pillar of Japan’s sports policy and was enacted by a member of the National Diet, Japan’s bicameral legislature, in June 2011. In this study, we analyzed the policy formation supporting the enactment of the Basic Act on Sport based on the “new policy window” model. As a result of the analysis, the following seven findings of interest, supported by both theory and empirical evidence, were found.
（1）In the enactment of the Basic Act on Sports, both continuous and temporary participants coexisted.（2）The policy activists supporting the Basic Act on Sports connected multiple “ba” of policy measures in multiple layers.（3）All the problems relevant to enacting the Basic Act on Sports were interrelated.（4）Enactment of the Basic Act on Sports progressed by 1）softening up specific policy proposals and 2） adding and refining new policy proposals.（5）1）The change in government officials and 2） jurisdictional conflicts within the government both influenced the enactment of the Basic Act on Sports.（6）Enactment of the Basic Act on Sports progressed as problem windows and political windows were both opened.（7）Enactment of the Basic Act on Sports was achieved by having the agenda, list of policy proposals, and list of politics form a complete package.

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This paper has a purpose to clarify the result of questionnaires on equal participationin decision-making at city level. This survey was held on July 1999 just after the Basic Act designed to promote a Gender Equal Society had been executed. The rate of with drawal of the questionnaires was 69% among 691 cities including 23 wards inTokyo. It is the first survey to examine all the cities though prefectures and big cities whose population is over 1 million are often surveyed.
My hypothesis in this survey was the following. In local government level financialsupport to promote gender equal society is cut because of adminis trative reformation. So equal treatment between both sexes is not progressed and in stagnation.
But under the survey it can be found that there are few cities suffered from financialcut. The policy to promote gender equality is operated step by step. But different levelcan be seen in the field of gender equality among cities. For example declaration to promoteequal participation was presented at 21 cities, 1 ward and 2 towns till the end of March 1998. Rate of equal participation in these cities is better than other cities. And allof them made a basic plan to promote gender equality.
The government has a policy to appoint female members into more than 20% of allmembers at the councils till the end of March 2001 and 30% in next ten years. Theaverage percent is 17% which is less than the goal. But in Kanto district there are 13 cities which attain more than 30% and 52 cities which attain less than 30% and morethan 20%.
The number of female members is increasing at city assembly. According to the surveyby the Ministry of Home Affairs, female members occupied 7.6% of the seats of allthe local assemblies. Under this survey, average perecent is 8%. There are only 5 citiesin Kanto district which show more than 30%, and 48 cities which show less than 30% and less than 20%.
The administrative reformation does not effect the policy on gender equality becausebudget for this policy is only limited in average to 0.1%-0.05% of all the budge tarycosts. But there are many cities to situate gender equalty problem as important target ofthe policy. Hence they shall endeavour to promote gender equality to the target goal. For example, some prefectures and cities are making regulations on gender equality.

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2003年秋，個々に活動していた患者団体が日本呼吸器学会（JRS）の呼びかけで患者円卓会議を開催，全国規模で連合して協力し合うことを確認，翌年，JRSと6患者団体とで日本呼吸器疾患患者団体連合会（J-PORD）を組織し，活動を開始した．
そして，この10年間，様々な活動が行われてきた．
2005年と2010年に，在宅療養患者を対象に実態調査を行い，「在宅呼吸ケア白書」を作成し患者の要望を明らかにした．
大きな成果として，慢性呼吸器疾患対策推進が立ち上がったことが挙げられる．
学会という専門的な立場から助言を得て，協働するようになり，診療報酬関係の要望も，行政から「科学的根拠に基づく提案・要望」として受け止められるようになった．
この間，様々な活動が為されてきたが，未だ道半ばであり，さらに発展させていかなくてはならない．今後とも，患者がかかえている諸問題・要望を積極的に発信し，より良い医療環境の構築に努めていきたい．

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The purpose of this paper is to show, through a case study, why and how the UNIVAS, Japan Association for University Athletics and Sport, was established. UNIVAS was established in Japan in March, 2019. It inclusively supervises a variety of university sports club activities nationwide.
In this paper, the author analyzes the policy formation of the UNIVAS establishment based on the new policy window approach. As a result of this analysis, seven interesting facts, supported by both a theory and a proof, have been discovered, five of which are summarized as follows.
1. Government officials, Diet members and Japanese citizens were all involved in multiple policy formation processes at multiple levels in a multi-layered way.
2. Multiple problems in agenda were sufficiently selected and mutually related.
3. With the progress of the policy formation, new policy proposals were added and refined.
4. Policy formation processes became available as problem windows and political windows were both opened
5. Actual policies were realized when the agenda, the lists of policy proposals and political events formed the complete package.

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本稿では，2011年6月の特定非営利活動促進法改正と新寄付税制をめぐる政策過程について，唱道連合フレームワークを用いて分析した．民主党政権の発足直後には，自民党税調－財務省主計局連合の弱体化と「新しい公共」連合によるアジェンダ設定を受けて，「新しい公共」連合と外部の専門家による政策志向的学習が進められ，閣法でのNPO法改正・新寄付税制の大枠が固められた．だが，ねじれ国会によって民主党政権単独での政策実現が困難になると，「新しい公共」連合・NPO・全国知事会という3つの唱道連合での調整が，衆議院法制局・総務大臣政務官を政策ブローカーとしながら進められた．そして，東日本大震災という外部ショックを受けながら，「シーズ＝市民活動を支える制度をつくる会」を政策ブローカーとしてNPOと背後の各党の調整が進められ，NPO法改正が議員立法として，新寄付税制が閣法として，それぞれ成立した．

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