In this paper, the author looks at the Mahabodhivamsa, whose Roman script edition was published at the end of the 19^th century by the PTS. However, so far no modern language translation has been published, nor has any significant research been done. This author examines the generally accepted dates and authorship of the work, and shows that there is no hard evidence for them. Furthermore, a list of material on the text in the Sinhalese language little known outside Sri Lanka is given. The author takes as an example the Sumedhakatha told at the beginning of the text, and compares it with the same story in other Pali texts, thereby demonstrating the originality and importance of the Mahabodhivamsa in the history of Pali literature.

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The twelfth century was an epoch of abundant vitality It is remarkable for its classical revival as well as for its histonographical activity John of Salisbury, who had been a student at the cathedral school of Chartres, was a typical humanist, imbued with classical culture But in spite of the fact that he might have been an excellent historian, he disdained to become one Orderic Vital, a monk of St Evroul, who wrote a voluminous "Ecclesiastical History", was scarcely influenced by classical culture

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Many early Sufi literatures contain a section about adab (sing. adab). The word adab means ‘rules of conduct’, and adab consequently sometimes means ‘proper conduct’. Having the ethical nature, I think, adab is a very important concept for understanding the process in which Sufism had adapted itself to the Islamic Society.
This article treats Kitab Adab al-Muridin of Abu al-Najib al-Suhrawardi (1097-1166). This title can be translated into English as “Ethical and Practical rules for disciples”.
I tried to analyze the items in the book from the historical and sociological points of view.
His concept of Sufism can be illustrated above.
My conclusion is that this conformist structure of Sufism reflects the social position of its order in the civil society of Baghdad in 12th century.

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Towards the end of the twelfth century, Chinese copper coins began to circulate in Japan. However, it is well documented that the rulers of the country at the time tried to exclude these coins. Up till now, researchers have ascribed this reaction to the entry of Chinese coins as ideological, due to the fact that they were a foreign currency, an obstacle to domestic trade and therefore the cause of price fluctuations. However, analysis of the contemporary legal situation regarding prices and interestrates, and the debates about them, reveals that the main reason lay elsewhere. It was a response to the fact that the circulation of Chinese copper coins resulted in a devaluation of rice, which the rulers used as currency. In fact, the rulers did not think of the Song dynasty coins as the only cause of the problem, since they criticized all copper coins including Japanese ones. It is therefore clear that the argument was not ideological but economic. Moreover, comparison with the Liao dynasty of north China and the Koryo dynasty of Korea shows that gold dust for export was an important factor that allowed the circulation of copper coins in Japan.

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The positive assimilation and recovery by the Latin West of Greek science and civilization took place in the 12th century through extensive translations from Arabic and Greek While the transmission of Greek science through Arabic to the Latin Europe has been considerably clarified by such experts as Suter, Leclerc, Wustenfeld and Steinschneider, many things still remain dark concerning the scientific transmission immediately through Greek, to the Latin West in spite of excellent pioneer studies by Haskins and Heiberg In 1963, I edited the first text of the Latin version of Euclid's Data from the following two extant manuscripts 1 MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 13 c 99 r-113 r 2 MS Paris, Bibl Nat lat 16648, 13-14 c 60 r-91 r By investigating these manuscripts of the Latin Data and others, I have found some interesting new facts about the transmission of scientific works via Greek to the Latin West First of all, the fact that this Latin translation of the Data was made from the Greek is obvious from the following evidences 1 the existence of the direct transliteration of the Greek words, like catigmeni, anigmeni, parathesi, cathetus, orthogonius etc 2 the exact correspondence in particles and conjunctions used in the Greek text and the Latin translation 3 the exactly same order of words is found in both the Greek original and the Latin version The problem of the preparation of this medieval Latin translation from Greek of the Data is divided into three sub-problems 1) Where did this translation take place ? 2) When did the translation come into existence ? 3) Who translated it into Latin ? My conclusions to problems 1) and 2) are as follows 1) This Latin translation was made in Sicily as a part of the vast translation of Greek scientific works which took place there in "the medieval renaissance" 2) This translation came into existence in the middle of the 12th century and not later than 1160 As regards problem 3), which is very crucial to my study, I have reached the following conclusions 3) (i)It is certain that our translator of the Data also made Latin versions from the Greek of Euclid's Optics, Catoptrics and Proclus' Elementatio physica (or De motu) (ii) It is probable that this prolific author is the same person as the anonymous translator of Ptolemy's Almagest who was studied by Haskins and Heiberg These conclusions concerning the identification of the translator have been drawn primarily through a comparative investigation of the texts For the first conclusion, I compared our text of the Latin Data with the Latin version of Euclid's Optics and Catoptrics in the Oxford manuscript (MS Oxford, Bodl Auct F 5 28, 57 r-64 r De visu liber and 64 r-69 r De speculis liber) and with the full text of Proclus' Elementatio physica published recently by H Boese As the result of this investigation, I found that they accord so well in all translating techniques as to ensure the identification of the translator of these four works As far as the second conclusion is concerned, I based it on a remarkable passage in the preface by the Latin translator of Ptolemy's Almagest, which seems to suggest that the translator of the Almagest is the same as that of the other four works above-mentioned This view is also supported by the studies of Haskins and Boese, which confirmed the identity of the translator of the Almagest with that of Proclus' Elementatio physica through their careful comparisons of translating techniques between the two translations These conclusions seem to be very important for the scientific transmission in the early Middle Ages, because, if the same person translated these various works, he would occupy a prominent position in editing the translation of mathematical works from the Greek not unlike that of Gerard of Cremona in the sphere of translation from the Arabic

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Before the first use of en delit shafts at the chevet of Saint-Denis in 1140-1144, there were two types of construction system of colonnettes responding to rib vaults in Ile-de-France. The first type is seen at the churches of Saint-Etienne at Beauvais and Saint-Germer-de-Fly, and the second type is at Saint-Pierre de Montmartre and at Sens. By making the schema of the construction system, this paper reveals the difference of the two types of system, and concludes that the system seen around Beauvais led the buildings in Ile-de-France into the gothic style.

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ケルトの短詩に始まって

に完成された中世ロマンス『トリスタンとイズー』の発展過程を追うと，人間の好む物語の典型として，「時系列的必然」と「相反するものの合一への衝動」を動因とする「弁証法的事象展開」があり．それが「共有感覚」として働いて，自分以外の物語と共鳴するので，その事象展開に則っている物語には誰でも共感できるのではないかと思われる．ここでは共感の仕組みを使って感情喚起を試みてみる．

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Peter the Venerable, 9th abbot of Cluny, facing the chronic crisis of domestic economy caused by excessive dependence on the use of money, came to adopt a system of mesatica per decanias, i.e. a rota system by which eighteen manorial centers, called decania, assumed the task of provisioning the monastery during a certain length of time. It aimed at rational running of estates and intensification of direct exploitation. In 1155-1156, the abbot wishing to reorganize the system of mesatica made commissioners draw up a complete Inventory concerning profits of each manor with the aid of Henri de Blois, bishop of Winchester. There remain only twelve Inventories handed down to us. We can make use of them to elucidate the structure of the manorial system of Cluny in the midst of the twelfth century. Surveying the catalogs of income from twelve manors, we can deduce the following conclusions. There are three kinds of resources. The profits obtained from peasant-holdings are mainly composed of money income, and are relatively small and fixed. We can find everywhere the conversion of labour services and renders in kind into fixed dues. Second, the profits from parish churches and from banalite constitute one of the steadiest sources of income. The former consists of "tithe and task" (decima et tascha) and of altar-revenues deriving from the sacerdotal ministry, i.e. oblationes que ad altare pertinent. The latter is composed of revenues of mills and bread-ovens. It is worthy of our attention that a domestic staff (familia decaniae) numbering about twenty or thirty individuals were fed on the produce of the mills and bread-ovens throughout the year. Third, the most substantial returns came from the manorial demesne. It produced twice as much wheat and rye, and five times as muchj wine as peasant holdings. The demesne was a veritable center of manorial system. The monks of Cluny, therefore, endeavored to keep their demesne in good condition, reconstructing and even enlarging them by clearing new ground or planting vines. In Cluniac decania, labour services offered by peasants were reducing. But each decania appears to have been sufficiently provided with manpower derived from its domestic staff called familia, who were responsible for cultivating demesne. The monastery of Cluny was far from being "rentier du sol".

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後半にカシミール地方で活躍した修辞学者ショーバーカラミトラは，自身の著作である『修辞の宝蔵』（アランカーラ・ラトナーカラ）において，修辞手法の共存という文脈でアランカーラとサンスリシュティとサンカラと三つの項目の関係に注目した．彼によると，一文における主たる修辞手法はアランカーラと名付けられ，補助にあたる他の修辞手法はサンカラと名付けられる．一方，彼はサンスリシュティを修辞手法と認めない．彼によると，実際のところ，全ての修辞手法は他の修辞手法と結合して例文に現れ，単一で使われることはない．上述の観点は彼の学術的な対論者であるルッヤカ（前半）の観点とは鋭く対立している．

　アランカーラという名称については，例文に存在するだけでアランカーラと呼ばれる場合と，別種の輝き（vicchittyantara）に見えても主たる修辞手法の地位が損なわれない場合がある．第二の場合は，他の修辞手法の影が主たるものと混合する場合（chāyāsaṃkara）と，別種の表現法となる場合（bhaṅgyantarābhidhāna）との，二種の状況が存在する．最後にショーバーカラミトラは，アランカーラという術語は修飾されるもの，つまりラサ（rasa）を想定しているが，チトラはそれを想定しないとして，チトラとアランカーラとの区別を提示する．

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The aim of this paper consists in elucidating the transformation in the local structure of the northern Burgundy (Bourgogne) from the socio-economic point of view. On the French political history one sets generally the first stage of the feudalism between 1000 and 1160, after the famous study concerning the region of Maconnais by G. Duby (1953). But we cannot deny that a series of other regional researches have the tendency to insist on the continuance of baronial power in the first half of this stage and on it's remarkable development, i. e. on the gradual formation of the "principaute territoriale" in it's second half, particularly in the northern part of France. We divided for convenience' sake the domination of landlords into personal aspect and material one. For the first aspect, the lords are obliged under the augmentation of fluidity to take necessary measures for preventing their tenants from getting rid of their domain (manor) with their property. The lords often made a contract each other on the title to immigrants into their domains. For the second aspect, we can find out the general advance of the property of tenants in their voluntary disposition of their tenures and in their right considerably solid to forest's usage. Corresponding to the tendency the lords take measures to dominate peasants depending more and more on their tenures. This is what we name the "realisation" of lordship. The appearance of terms meaning the genuine rent, i. e. "terragium", "terciae", proves the validity and the efficiency of this conception. The complex dominion could be more clearly indicated in the juridical right of lords, particularly the right of "advocatio" exercised by lay lords. The penetration of the reform of Gregory caused more advanced union between lay lords and churches, which provided with more favourable conditions for the barons to accumulate their powers and to make their territory more organic unity. In this respect the control over the fluidity provided them not only with revenue from toll and market tax, but with means to regulate immigrants who played the most important role for the cultivation promoted with energy by lords of middle and low classes. We must insist on the importance of the fluidity in this period, which transformed the character of the lordship and accelerated directly or indirectly the formation of the "territorial" baronies and principalities.

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According to the description of the Alexiad, the seventh chapter of the fifteenth volume, written by Anna Comnena, the so-called "new city"(νεα πολιs) was constructed within Constantinople under the supervision of the emperor Alexios. This paper clarifies the characteristic of the "city" and the idea of the project. As the result, the "city" in circular shape seems to have been constructed in the land near the sea wall facing the Marmara, where the Monastery of Mangana must have been involved. The circular city, being defensive to the outside as a "kastron" and furthermore being probably surrounded with the land for cultivation, of all things, functioned as philanthropic facilities for the people who had to a certain extent some social disadvantage. The "city" within the city emerged as a self-sufficient community. Inspite of the official purpose for the enterprize, if examined carefully on the content of the description, the project is presumed to have aimed a segregation and an estrangement of those people in its idea, for the security to the ordinary city-space spreading outside

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ピサの斜塔は、の建設当初から傾き始め、近年その倒壊が危惧され対策検討されてきたが、2001年12月に対策工事も終わり、倒壊という破壊的状況を免れている。我々は、このピサの斜塔下に堆積する不攪乱粘土を入手し、各種試験を実施したので報告する。ピサ粘土の物理特性は、日本で見られる粘土と比べて、活性度が小さい。また、塑性図においてA線より相当上にプロットされるのが特徴である。さらに、液性指数もかなり小さい結果が得られた。次に圧密特性であるが、ピサ粘土の過圧密比はOCR=1.3~1.6と小さく、圧縮指数、圧密係数、二次圧密係数も小さい事が特徴である。

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南インドにおいて幾世紀にもわたって形成された幾百の仏典は「大乗経」と分類されてきたが,それらの歴史的重要性や過去におけるそれらがもたらした影響についてはそれほど知られてはいない.インドにおける仏典の持つ歴史的な影響力を知る一つの方法は,インドで後に制作された註釈書に現れる特徴的な引用を辿っていくことである.この発表では,大乗経を称する不退転輪経の検討とともに,インドにおける仏典註釈書に見えるその経典からの引用を辿りつつ,不退転輪経が歴史的に持っていた重要性について考察したい.本稿では,特にインドにおける著名な大乗仏教の学者である龍樹(2世紀),カマラシーラ(8世紀),アバヤーカラグプタ()等の註釈書に現れた不退転輪経からの引用を示しつつ,2世紀からにわたって本経が有していた重要性について論じていく.最後に,結論として,インドの仏教論者は概して不退転輪経を聖典の権威を示すものとして,以下の4点のうちのいずれかの目的をもって引用したと論述する.(1)一乗思想の主張を裏付けるため,(2)仏陀の用いた意味論的叙述解説(nirukti)を陳述するため,(3)預流(須陀洹),一来(斯陀含),不還(阿那含)等の階位が実は菩薩のものであることを示すため,(4)涅槃の完全な非概念性を示すため.

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