My research analyses racism and racial representation in Australia. In particular, this paper investigates the racism expressed in jokes in the context of everyday communication. Throughout the discussion, I critically analyse the racist discourses in everyday jokes and reveal the double-standard ethical attitude in which racists disavow racism while they, at the same time, enjoy racial expressions as 'just a joke!' As a case study, my work focuses on a racist joke that was made in May 2013 by Eddie McGuire, president of a football club in the Australian Football League. McGuire's joke targeted Aboriginal football player, Adam Goodes. In his joke, McGuire referred to Goodes as an 'ape like King Kong'. I focus specifically on the public reaction to this incident by analysing the discourse of McGuire's supporters, who asserted that 'McGuire is not racist'. In contrast to previous studies that have tended to critique racism within the binary framework of 'racist or not', I suggest that racist discourse in contemporary Australia invalidates the categories of 'who is racist and who is not', erasing the border between racists and non-racists.

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In response to the weakening of ethnic identity under neoliberalism in addition to criticism of the essentialism underlying notions of ethnicity in the social sciences, recent studies focusing on urban Indigenous people have highlighted hybrid and dynamic aspects of the identity of 'mixed-blood' Indigenous people. However, hybrid identity has not necessarily produced positive social and cultural experiences for Indigenous youth. Given this, the present study drew on Hall's theory of identity politics in order to examine identity negotiation among Indigenous youth in Adelaide. While 'mixed-blood' Indigenous youth articulated plural and hybrid identities in response to specific situations and for specific purposes, it was the difference represented by their Aboriginal cultural knowledge or their strategic deployment of an essentialised collective identity based on such knowledge that separated them from mainstream Australian society in terms of socioeconomic success. This study has suggested that the manipulation of hybrid identity paradoxically requires a primary or essentialised identity derived from 'authentic' cultural knowledge. In this sense, the use of both essentialising and hybridising strategies in identity negotiation may potentially enable Indigenous youth to counter racism and marginalisation and establish their own position in mainstream society.

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With the recent rapid increase in the number of families created through assisted reproductive technology (ART), the right of offspring born through the use of donated gametes (donor-conceived offspring) to know their origin is becoming a worldwide issue. Jurisdictions that have abolished the anonymity of gamete donors are gradually increasing, but is the offspring's right to know actually being protected by the legislation? The present study focuses on Victoria, Australia, which has one of the world's most progressive legislative systems in terms of offspring's rights, and analyzes the development and characteristics of the legislation surrounding ART in Victoria in order to clarify the problems concerning assurance of offspring's right to know his or her origin. Victoria has led the world in legislating the Infertility (Medical Procedures) Act 1984 (1984 Act), which offers offspring the right to access information that will identify donors with the donor's consent, and the subsequent Infertility Treatment Act 1995, which removed the requirement for the donor's consent, but many parents still experience difficulty in telling offspring about their origin. With this problem in mind, the Assisted Reproductive Treatment Act 2008 (2008 Act) gave offspring under 18 years old the right to know about their origin; the method enabling offspring to know about their donor-conceived origin was by an addendum attached to their birth certificate. These innovations in the 2008 Act can be interpreted as a legal attempt to guarantee offspring's right to grow up knowing about their origin. However, even by the implementation of the 2008 Act, the right of offspring born before the enforcement of the 1984 Act has not been covered. The Victorian Law Reform Committee therefore recommended in 2012 that donor-conceived offspring be retrospectively granted the right to know their origin. In response, the Victorian Government passed the Assisted Reproductive Treatment Further Amendment Bill 2013, allowing offspring born under conditions of donor anonymity to have access to identifying information about the donor with the donor's consent. A major law reform concerning ART has thus taken place in Victoria almost every decade, and the history of these legislative reforms demonstrates a continuing move toward further ensuring offspring's right to know their origin. The case of Victoria has been a model for other states in Australia, especially New South Wales, and has set a precedent for jurisdictions around the world, including Japan. An analysis of legislative changes in Victoria can function to facilitate discussion of the problems surrounding the introduction of legislation regulating ART in Japan.

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Japanese language education was first provided by public institutions in Australia during the First World War. In 2012, the number of Japanese language learners in Australia has grown to approximately 300,000. In the nearly 100-year history of Japanese language education in Australia, Japanese newspaper publishers have displayed interest through occasional reports on Japanese language education in the country. The present study examined Japanese newspaper's specific focuses of attention on Japanese language education in Australia, and analyzed what they reported and what they did not report. The study revealed that Japanese language education in Australia over the past century has been reported on almost exclusively in periods during which Japanese newspapers perceived an increasing "Japanese language learning boom" (Nihongo gakushu netsu). Reports have used a large number of vague, sensational expressions such as "Japanese language learning boom," which have given readers the impression that the number of Japanese language learners was spontaneously increasing. The reports did not focus on the effects of Australian language policies on the increase in the number of Japanese language learners in Australia. In contrast, no reports were published on Japanese language education in Australia in periods when a "Japanese language learning boom" was not recognized to be growing stronger.

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Due to the significant diversity in family types and working styles in Australia, the demand for childcare facilities in the nation is increasing. Care outside school hours in Australia has been the subject of insufficient research in Japan, and this paper therefore provides a brief explanation of the system prior to examining the low utilization of care outside school hours in Sydney and Perth. Care outside school hours in Australia is doubly regulated, by the state and by the Australian Children's Education and Care Quality Authority. Australia has strict regulations regarding who is allowed to work with children, based on checks of criminal records. To provide high quality services, care providers must meet the requisite qualifications for child education and receive additional training. Although the present study of care outside school hours found that both Sydney and Perth have sufficient caregivers and facility space to provide a safe and healthy environment for children, the facilities in Sydney are unappealing to children older than 10 due to a limited number of books and toys. In contrast, the care facility studied in Perth had a large playground, well-being specialists on the staff, and an integrated garden program. The rate of use of care outside school hours by Australian families is low compared to other countries; only 10 percent of all primary school age children were enrolled in 2007. There are several reasons for this low participation rate. First, many parents do not apply for care outside school hours, even if they have a strong desire to use it. Second, complaints regarding high costs are often heard from parents. Third, some parents do not like childcare facilities regardless of the quality of care because they do not trust the caregivers. The preferred mode of play among school age children has also changed from outdoor to indoor, on personal computers or video consoles, and many parents prefer having their children at home for security reasons. Fourth, research on children has reported that 25 percent of school age children care for themselves outside school hours. These children travel from school unsupervised and mainly stay at home unsupervised. Fifth, parents are uncertain about the quality of care. Although the Australian Children's Education and Care Quality Authority investigates each child care facility, the Authority itself has issues; investigations are announced, enabling each facility to prepare for them. In addition, self-reporting is sometimes substituted for on-site visits. Finally, all outside school hours care facilities close at 6 pm. This is not helpful for parents who have non-traditional working hours and must also arrange informal care (such as supervision by a grandparent or nanny).

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