The development of Asian Studies in Australia reflects Australia's attitudes towards its own images in the Asia-Pacific region. Recent economic growth in Asia prompted reconstruction of Australia's commitment to the Asia-Pacific region, and Asian Studies became a tool to change Australian social norms and attitudes toward the region. Reform of Asian Studies in Australia has been in three phases. In the first phase, the main objective was to educate specialists. Specialists in Asian Studies needed to deal with the threat from the North and to find Australia's role in helping poor Asian nations. The underlying view of Asian Studies in the second phase was rather optimistic and idealistic. In the 1970s, Australia came to recognise its close economic as well as political relations with Asia, and Asian Studies were expected to contribute to better relations between Australia and the region. Still at this time, greater focus was given to Australia's contribution to Asia, rather than Asia's impact on Australia. In the third phase, the development of Asian Studies was presented as a matter of national survival. It was also clearly stated that establishing Asian Studies was the process of Australianisation' of its education system. The Asian Studies Council was formed and its initiatives have resulted in the firm placement of Asian Studies, and in particular Asian language studies in Australia's education system. The reform process of Asian Studies denotes the Australian identity, and in the Australian mind, redefining Australia's place in the world. Development of Asian Studies also provides an opportunity for Australians to rethink the nominal division between 'West' and 'East'.

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Since colonisation in 1788, Australian culture has had a strong Eurocentric tendency, especially in its political, foreign, and economic policies. Over the last few decades, this tendency has undergone major changes. In the 1960's, the existence of a peculiarly Australian national culture was recognised. In the 1970's, under the Whitlam Government, the Australia Council was established and the meaning of "Australian culture" was re-examined in both academic and popular circles. More recently, there has been a major reconsideration of Australia's geographical position and international role, with the emphasis on multiculturalism and the shift in Australia's political and foreign policies towards the Asia-Pacific region. Today, Australia's identity as an Asia-Pacific nation is being stressed. Significant efforts have been made to introduce local regional cultures to the Australian public. In the late 80's the effort to introduce Australia to Asia-Pacific nations took the forms of "Australia Today" or "Celebrate Australia". Also, in national festivals in Australia, there has been a greater emphasis on cultures of the Asia-Pacific region. A recent example of the latter was the Adelaide Festival in March 1993.In Australian literature, more writers of Asian backgrounds have started to write both in English and in their mother languages. Their works have been published and enjoy good circulation. Among them are Brian Castro, Ding Xiaoqi, and Christopher Cyrill. Many Australians now acknowledge Asia-Pacific influences and elements in Australian society. Asian languages feature prominently as the second language at schools. Ethnic diversity is apparent in movies and TV programs. Everyday contacts, changes in everyday life with more choices in food and clothing, etc. are common place. Asia-Pacific influences seem to have already gained a major foothold in Australian society. This change, although it may have been slow and less remarkable compared with other influences like those of the United States and other Western countries, has proceeded steadily to the extent that now it seems to have gained a strong role in Australian culture. This suggests the possibility of a "East meets West" role for Australia in the international arena, especially in the fields of publication and production of cultural creative activities.

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This article seeks to explain the significance of the Republicanism issue in the economic reforms led by the Hawke/Keating Labor government. In 1992-93, there was a strong rise in the republicanism debate in Australia, triggered by Prime Minister Keating's statement advocating a Republic of Australia by 2001. Labor's advocacy for republicanism aimed to establish a new symbol for unity to complete the process of transformation from the closed homogeneous nation with the Anglo-Irish cultural background into a multicultural society opened towards the neighbouring Asia-Pacific region.In order to integrate the Australian economy into the high economic growth of the region, the Labor government has implemented a series of market-oriented economic reforms to strengthen the export competitiveness of Australia's industrial sectors which had long been protected by government regulation. These reforms makes it necessary for Australia to open its national border to the freer flow of goods and services with the Asia-Pacific nations. The opening of the economic border to further regional cooperation inevitably entails the opening of human and cultural borders to wipe away the past bad reputation of the White Australia policy. Thus the cultural reforms have to be taken up in tandem with the economic reforms. The republicanism issue has such a symbolic meaning to impress the electorate with the reality that Australia needs to take on the task of cultural transformation if it is to obtain economic benefits from closer relations with the Asia-Pacific nations. Once Australia opened the human border through the implementation of the multicultural policies, it has become impossible to reverse this process, if the Australians wish to maintain social stability and harmony which they have enjoyed since the nineteenth century.

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This article examines Australia's approach to the GATT Uruguay Round (UR) negotiations. Australia's approach was underpinned by its 'marginalization' in the international political economy, its past recognition of GATT functions, and its ambivalence towards US trade policy in the early 1980's.Australia had two basic objectives during the negotiations. First was the restoration of trade liberalism, especially for agricultural products, which the GATT system stood for, and second was to ensure the successful settlement of trade protection measures. However, Australia's negotiating stance has been hindered by both the lack of international agreement as to what exactly are the international trade problems as well as the actual UR negotiation process. To advance its argument, Australia has adopted two basic strategies. The first has been the voluntary opening of its markets in order to ensure its legitimacy when arguing for trade liberalism. The second has been to adopt a two-tier approach. At the individual level it has unilaterally approached those advocating protection. At a collective level it has undertaken a twin regional and single issue approach. The regional approach has been to use APEC to advance its position whilst the single issue approach has been to use the Cairns Group to take part directly in policy making in the agricultural arena. The intention here has been to use the Cairns Group as a third force during the early negotiation stages. Australia has gained through the UR negotiations. First, it has gained a satisfactory agreement from the negotiations. Second, it has gained diplomatic experience as the leader and coordinator of the Cairns Group and the third force concept. Third, it has been able to move away from its marginalised position in multilateral trade negotiations.

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate women's voluntary association memberships in Canberra. To gather empirical evidence, a sample survey in four study areas in Canberra was conducted in 1986-87. Three hundred eighty-f our women under 55 years of age who were married or in a de facto relationship were interviewed. The analysis of the data revealed the following;(1) Of the 394 respondents, 68.8% of women belonged to groups, and this membership rate is higher Australian cities. The average number of group membership was 1.44.(2) The main groups women in Canberra belonged to were child-related groups, recreational groups, church or religious groups, and job-related groups.(3) Those who belonged to each type of formal group were characterised as follows Australia-born women in the child-rearing stage or in the child-educating stage, who often worked part-time or did not work outside, belonged to child-related groups ; Australia-born women in the childless stage, who often worked full-time, belonged to recreational groups; Christian, educated women in the child-rearing stage or in the child-educating stage belonged to church or religious groups ; educated women in the childless stage or in the dispersal stage, who often worked full-time, belonged to job-related groups. As these show, each factor had effects on different types of group participation. As a result, educated, Australia-born women in the child-rearing stage or in the child-educating stage belonged to more groups totally.(4) Participants in groups had less frequent contact with relatives than non-participants, but the former had more frequent contact with neighbours and friends than the latter. There was no significant difference in the total frequency of contact between participants and non-participants.(5) Residents in a neighbourhood do not work together in Canberra to guard the residential area, improve the residential environment, or supplement government services. They think that the government should perform these tasks, because they pay rates to the government. Residents in the city are close to the "individualistic self" type of residents, which Professor Okuda found in Japanese cities.(6) Groups are organised in Canberra to face specific issues, Residents interested in such issues voluntarily join these groups. Therefore, a group rarely performs more than two functions, and there are no groups which cover most residents in a neighbourhood.

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