In this study, Australian governments’ engagement policies with the Pacific Island Countries up until July 2022 are examined. The security agreement signed between Solomon Islands and China in April 2022 shocked many governments that have security interests in the Pacific. Because this occurred during Australia’s election campaign, Scott Morrison’s Coalition government was vehemently accused of foreign policy failure for allowing China, a potential adversary state, to expand its influence in an island country that is strategically important to Australia. However, one may ask what policies Morrison’s, and his predecessor Malcolm Turnbull’s, Coalition governments pursued. Furthermore, after winning the national election on 21 May 2022, one may question what policy Anthony Albanese’s Labor government is implementing toward the Pacific. Accordingly, after outlining Australia’s post-World War II policy history toward the Pacific, the Turnbull, and Morrison and Albanese’s governments’ policies are analyzed. Subsequently, I explore how the Turnbull Coalition government started planning and implementing foreign policy to strengthen Australia’s relations with the Pacific under the banner of Pacific Step-up, with reference to Turnbull’s memoir that revealed his intention to counter China’s increasing influence and the 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper. Thereafter, I discuss how Morrison’s Coalition government that took office in August 2018 developed the Pacific Step-up, noting the frequent bilateral summit talks before the 2019 coronavirus disease pandemic and various infrastructure aid projects delivered to the Pacific Islands. However, Morrison’s government, having close ties to domestic fossil fuel industries, failed to realize a sense of unity with the Pacific Islanders in relation to climate change. Finally, Albanese’s Labor government’s policy toward the Pacific is examined. Specifically, because of its commitment to a larger reduction of emission of greenhouse effect gases, the Labor government appears to be successful in achieving more enhanced relations with the Pacific Island Countries and the Pacific Family, as evidenced by the outcome of the Pacific Island Forum held in Fiji in July 2022. By achieving closer relations with the Pacific Island Countries and other partners such as the United States and Japan, one may conclude that Australia is accomplishing a favorable security environment in the region.

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This paper aims to discuss heritage language education in immigrant communities from an alternative viewpoint, analysing interviews with former students and their parents at the JCS Japanese School City Branch (JCS-JSCB), voluntarily operated by the Japanese community in Sydney, Australia. The model story of ‘the importance of Japanese as a heritage language’ is widely shared across the generations among Japanese communities around the world, as well as in Australia. However, our research found that while the first generation immigrants still insist their children learn Japanese language in order to foster a connection with their Japanese heritage, the children regarded it differently. At the same time, the meanings of teaching Japanese for the parents has changed. While they understood their parents’ expectations, they occasionally felt conflicted about whether to continue learning Japanese as a second language, or they questioned the value of learning it at the expense of other opportunities. Despite this, learning at the Japanese community school afforded the children an alternative place of belonging in Australian society by sharing a common socio-cultural background with their classmates. By interpreting being Japanese in multiple ways according to their personal backgrounds and future vision, they flexibly applied this learning opportunity to their prospective life course beyond merely inheriting their ethno-cultural legacy. Indeed, this paper proposes that this educational opportunity in the migrant community is not only about passing on ethnic identity to the next generation, but also about creating a plurality of belongings and realities in the future for the migrant community.

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The J & T Muramats was a trading and pearling company run by Jiro Muramats (1878-1943). Born in Kobe, Jiro left for the Pilbara in 1893 at the age of 15. Jiro attended Xavier College where he studied and subsequently mastered bookkeeping. He succeeded the family’s retail business in Cossack after his father’s sudden death. Jiro went on to become a naturalized British subject in 1899, and successfully developed the business to play an active role in the pearling industry. I found and digitized 5 volumes of the account books of the J & T Muramats which had been preserved by his descendants in Japan. In this paper I argue that the account books written in English nearly 100 years ago are not only invaluable records of Muramats business, but also vital to understanding the economic activities being conducted in the Pilbara at the time. I begin by introducing the contents of the account books (cash books; debt books; ledgers such as purchase ledgers, sales ledgers, and payroll ledgers; they also contained various accounts including personal accounts, expense accounts, property accounts and others). I then examine the Muramats’ trading and pearling businesses. The study of the account books also sheds light on the lives of Japanese indentured laborers employed by J & T Muramats, as well as Muramats’ contribution to the local economy. Finally, I conclude that Muramats’ trading business played a vital role in developing his pearling business, as Cossack continued to be the base for the businesses after he and his wife moved to Darwin in 1929. Furthermore, without the J & T Muramats, Cossack would likely have become a ghost town as early as the 1920s.

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