Die 82. Generalversammlung und das Seminar der Japanischen Gesellschaft fur Recht und Politik fand am 20.Mai 1995 in der Tezukayama Universitat in Nara statt. Das gemeinsame Thema des Symposiums war die rechtliche Kontrolle der Wirtschaft und vier Referate wurden gehalten. Diese Referate waren uber die Deregulierungen der offentlichen Regulierung der Wirtschaft, die jetzt im Wirtschaftskreise aktiv diskutiert worden ist, die Verfassungsmassigkeit der die wirtschaftliche Freiheit beurteilenden Kriterien, der Effekt der Bestrafung gegen Gesetzubertretungen des Kartellrechts und wirtschaftspolitische Massnahmen fur den Umweltschutz.

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Nach der herrschenden Meinung der Verfassungsrechtler und den Prazedenzfallen des Obersten Gerichtshofs, sollen die Massstabe, um die Verfassungsmassigkeit der offentlichen Regulierung der Wirtschaft zu beurteilen, vom Zwecke der offentlichen Regulierung wirtschaftlicher Tatigkeit abhangen. Dafur sind zwei Zwecke klassifiziert worden. Einer betrifft die Regulierungen fur einen positiven wirtschaftspolitischen Zweck, d.h. Regulierungen, die die Zwecke der Verfassung verwirklichen, z.B. die Regulierung um die sozial Schwachen zu unterstutzen oder die freie Marktwirtschaft aufrechtzuerhalten. Ein anderer betrifft die Regulierung fur die negativen wirtschaftlichen Zwecke, d.h. offentliche Regulierung, die helfen sollen, die Nebenubel wirtschaftlicher Tatigkeit zu vermeiden, z.B. die Regulierung, um die offentliche Hygiene oder die guten Sitten zu erhalten oder um die Umweltzerstorung zu bekampfen. Auf der anderen Seite ist das international anerkannte, richtungsgebende Kriterium, um die Richtigkeit der offentlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Regulierung wirtschaftlicher Tatigkeit zu beurteilen, anders. Nach der wirtschaftspolitischen Lehre gibt es zwei Arten der offentlichen Regulierung. Die eine, wirtschaftliche Regulierung genannte ist, die gegen den Grundsatz der freien Wirtschaft ausgeubte offentliche Regulierung, d.h. die die freie Konkurrenz in der Marktwirtschaft einschrankende offentliche Regulierung, z.B. Preisregulierung, die Regulierung von Angebot und Nachfrage oder das Verbot, ein Geschaft zu fuhren. Und die andere, soziale Regulierung genannte, ist die, mit der die die wirtschaftliche Tatigkeit begleitenden und in der Marktwirtschaft nicht zu beseitigenden Ubel, offentlich eingeschrankt werden. Wie oben gesagt, der Begriff der sozialen Regulierung bedeutet beinahe dasselbe wie die oben genannte negative wirtschaftliche Regulierung. Diese zwei Kriterien der Abschatzung der offentlichen Regulierung, d.h. die fur Abschatzung der Verfassungsmassigkeit offentlicher Regulierung und die fur Richtigkeit der Wirtschaftspolitik, stehen manchmal im Widerspruch zueinander. Denn die Massnahmen, um die kleinen Unternehmen zu unterstutzen, werden nach der herrscheden Meinung der Verfassungsrechtler als ein positiver Zweck betrachtet und die Verfassungsmassigkeit darf vermutet werden, aber dieselben Massnahmen werden nach dem oben genannten Kriterium der Wirtschaftspolitik als wirtschaftliche Regulierung betrachtet und werden damit zum Gegenstand der Deregulierung, weil diese Massnahmen die freie Konkurrenz anf dem Markt beschranken. In diesem Referat wird behauptet, dass die beiden Kriterien fur die Abschatzung der wirtschaftlichen Tatigkeit miteinander vereinbart werden mussen sollen. Weiterhin sollen im Begriff der Regulierung, die sozial Schwachen zu unterstutzen, die nach dem die Verfassungsmassigkeit beurteilenden Kriterium als ein positiver Zweck beurteilt wird und deren Verfassungsmassigkeit vermutet werden kann, die kleinen Unternehmer nicht eingeschlossen sein. Und fur die kleine Unternehmen unterstutzenden, offentlichen Regulierungen soll die Verfassungsmassigkeit nicht pauschal angenommen werden. Die sozial Schwachen im diesem Sinne sollen nur die Verbraucher sein. Wenn wir diese Auslegung der Verfassung annehmen, dann werden auch viele offentliche Regulierung, die unter die Deregulierung fallende Gegenstande betreffen, verfassungrechtlich ablehnend eingeschatzt werden und die Beurteilung des Kartellsenats in Hinsicht auf Verfassungsmassigkeit wird verfassungsrechtlich bedeutsam werden.

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Warum konnen wir zur Zeit wirklich keinen Wohlhabenkeit fuhlen? Wir glauben, dass es in Japan zu viel offentliche Regelungen gibt (11, 400: Bestand am 31.3.1993). In diesem Bericht haben wir als ein Beispiel dieses Problems den Preisunterschied zwischen Inlands-und Auslandsmark t("naigai kakaku sa") erklart. In der Vergangenheit war die offentliche Regelung sehr nutzlich, aber in der gegenwartigen hochentwickelten Wirtschaft und der reifen Gesellschaft ist sie vielmehr mehr nachteilig als vorteilhaft. Wir bekommen einen hoheren Lohn, aber im Grunde erwerben wir noch keinen wahren Reichtum. Nach dem Zusammenbruch der Schwindelwirtschaft geht noch immer die japanische Wirtschaft ganz flau. Wir sind gewiss, dass diese argliche Rezession ihren Ursachen in den offentlichen Regelungen hat. Um diesem Problem zu losen, mussen wir erstens deregulieren. In Japan handelt es offenbar um die Deregulierung. Wir mochten folgendes klarstellen: alle Regelungen sind nicht schlecht. Es ist erforderlich, alle Regelungen noch einmal zu uberprufen, sie notwendig zu brauchen oder nicht. Wir teilen gewohnlich die offentliche Regelung in die wirtschaftliche und die soziale ein. Zum Beispiel gehoren zu jenem die Regelungen fur Zutritt, Angleichung von Angebot und Nachfrage, Einrichtung, Einfuhr, Preis und Bank, Effekt und Versicherung, und zu diesem die Regelungen fur Higiene, Storung, Umweltsstorung und Abfall, gefahrliche Stoffe, Katastrophenschutz, Erhaltung des Friedens, Grundstuck und Bau, Ausbildung und Kultur, Verkehr und Dienst und Qualifikation des Geschafts. Nach dem Bericht Hiraiwas soll die wirtschaftliche Regelung im Prinzip "frei" und die soziale unter der Selbstsveratwortung "minimal" sein. Die Deregulierung bringt es mit sich, dass wir den Wettbewerb auf den geregelten Markten und die Wiederbelebung sehen konnen. Die Regierung hat den funfjahr-Plan fur das Treiben von der Deregulierung am 31.3.1995 veroffentlicht. Bei der Aufhebung beschrankender Bestimmung mussen wir etwas Pein (Arbeitlosigkeit, Konkurs, Lohnherabsetzung usw) fuhlen. Der Plan macht, unter dem Grundsatz der Selbstsverantwortung und der zu den Marktskraften legenden Freiwirtschaft, (1)die Bedarfdeckung der Verbraucher und die Einengung des Preisunterschiedes zwischen Inlands-und Auslandsmarket, (2)die Inlandsnachfragessteigerung und die Exportsbeforderung und (3)die Herabsetzung von Steuer und Sozialversicherungspremie und die Einfachheit von Verwaltungsangelegenheit aus.

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Chapter I.Preface Chapter II.Situation of Cartel Regulation by Criminal Sanction in the United States Chapter III.Deterrent Effect to Cartel by Criminal Sanction in Japan Chapter IV.Conclusion Recently, in Japan there have been some attempts made to strengthen the deterrence of violations of Antitrust law. The main attempts concern the application of criminal sanctions to cartel or other violations of Antitrust law. I wonder, however, not only whether criminal sanctions work effectively to deter violations of Antitrust law, but also wonder whether the application of criminal sanctions to cartel regulation is adequate. Therefore, this article will try to demonstrate the effect of criminal sanctions in Antitrust law. First of all, I will look at the situation of cartel regulation by criminal sanction in the United States. Then, reffering to that, I will discuss the effect of regulating cartels by criminal sanction in Japan, from the viewpoint of "fair notice" and "social moral reaction to cartels".

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Though very serious industrial pollution has been mitigated through tranditional command-and-control regulation, cumulative pollution is not improved yet and global environmental issues have emerged. To overcome these matters, it is useful to use economic instruments. So I analyse the mechanism in the view of internalization of external cost, and evaluate the effectiveness of them. Then I consider their compatibility with Polluter Pays Principle.

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From 1:00 pm on November 23, 1995 at Toyooka Junior College Kinki University, the four members reported their research findings on the given topic, "Aging Society." This was followed by a question and answer session in the floor. I was selected as a coordinator of this Symposium. Being novice coordinate, I hesitate to say that we glided through the Symposium. Nevertheless, thanks to the cooperative, understanding and tolerant members, the Symposium closed very successfully.

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According to the report of the Ministry of Public Welfare, people aged sixty five years old and over has climbed to fourteen percent of the total population in Japan in 1995. It is said that the aged population will get to twenty five percent of the total population after thirty years and will reach the point where one fourth of the Japanese population will be sixty five years old in the twenty first century. The speed of population aging in Japan is without precedent in world history. Under these circumstances, the aim of my report in the Symposium is to approach the problems of the aged in the Aging Society from the point of view of the Constitutional Law and Politics, and to pose the problem and task at the legal and political aspects. The matters I will to address in my report are as follows: l.The rights of the aged or Human Rights in relation to the aged in the Constitution of Japan. 2.Some of the problems that arise from the Welfare Law for the Aged, enacted in 1963. 3.The essence of the Right of Existence and the problems of independence of the aged. 4.The problem of the strong initiative of administrators in the area of the welfare for the aged. 5.The role and task of the aged in the era that Senior Citizens come to the fore.

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Today Japan is a country with the world longest life expectancy of 80 years, and expects to become an extremely "aged society" in which about a quater of the people are aged. In order to make the aged society of the coming 21st century a society where everyone is healthy, has something to live for and is able to live with assurance, Japan will have to urgently develop the infrastructure especially in the field of health care and welfare services for the aged during the last decade of the 20th century when Japan will rapidly become an aged society as today's northern European countries. This report deals with policies of national and local governments for aged society in Japan by political sciences and public administration's point of view. The followings are points of this issue: 1."Aged society" and "longevity society" 2.Correspondence of national and local governments 3."Important part of municipalities" and "remedy system for citizen's complaint" (1)Ombudsman for welfare(City of Nakano) (2)Remedy committee for welfare(City of Yokohama) 4.Prospects of remedy system for citizen's complaint

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The purpose of this report is to clarify the present condition of housing and social welfare policy for the elderly in a regional city. For This purpose, the survey was carried out about the city of Y. The finding are as follows. (1)In the area studied, three-generation households(about 30%)are on the decrease and one-person households are on the increase instead. And in case of living seperate, most are in the same region or lot. (2)About half one-person households are in private rented house, most of which are small or old and rotton, and without the bath and the toilet. Sixty-five percent of the dwellings are past twenty years since it has been built and needs improvement. (3)As improvement grants or repair grants are not make better use of, in the cause of its difficult procedure or strict restriction, they do at their own expense. (4)The needs of housing equipment and the living service are varied by the type of household and active or less active.

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As the society grows into the old age society, the care for the old people gets to be a big social problem. Japan, now getting to be the old age society, has enforced the social policy to care the old people in their own house rather than in the nursing home. Therefore, recently, the social welfare support for the families that care the old people in their house has been also gradually increased. However, it will take long time before this social support comes to fully function, and under the present conditions, it is women like wife, duaghter and "YOME" or son's wife that actually work and take pains to care the old people. But then, how should we estimate their contributions? According to the amendments of the civil law in 1980, the "KIYOKEN", of the contributor's right was newly established in the law of inheritance, and the heir or heiress who had especially contributed to the ancester became to be able to get special remuneration from the inheritance. But in case "YOME" contributed, not being an heiress, she cannot have the contributor's right. Instead, her contribution is regarded as her husband's, i.e., ancester's son's contribution, and he gets the remuneration for "YOME", his wife's contribution. But this means should not be admitted in view of the conjual property system, the sense of the remuneration for the contributor, women's independence and the propriety of the preservation of "IE", or household system peculiar in Japan. In this research, tracing the judgements of court, we aimed to present the negative theory against the former theories and precedents, and to suggest a counterplan for legal acknowledgement of "YOME"'s remuneration for her contribution.

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1.Introduction 2.Approaches to legislative studies and the Diet 3.The role of the Liberal Democratic Party as the Opposition 4.The Unchanging functions of the Diet in the changing of political power 5.Conclusion This paper focuses mainly on the functions of the Diet in the change of government. The diet was considered to be 'a rubber stamp', particularly while the predominant party system was retained. That is because the opposition parties didn't play a positive part in the transforming of their intentions into policies and laws. They devoted their energies to only controlling 'disposable' time, and this made the deliberations insignificant. It was often pointed out that the strategy they depended upon arose from their own problems such as the less ability to make policies, the fractionalization and their seats. On the other hand, the Liberal Democratic Party in power criticized their way to waste time for deliberating and advocated the reinstatement of the Diet. The LDP, which went out of power in 1993, however, followed the traditional strategy as the Opposition with all its ability and the ideal. In other words, the functions of the Diet was not changed in the changeing of political power. The factors which made the deliberations in the Diet so negative were not only the problems of the opposition parties. It is necessary to reform the legislative system as a whole as well as parties including the Opposition with a view to activating the Diet.

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l.Introduction 2.Distribution Rules in European Coalition Governments 3.The Liberal Democratic Party as "Faction Coalition" 4.The Case of Japan: Interpretation by Simulation 5.Conclusion In coalition governments, political parties which have another ideology and interests, conflict to handle governments' initiative. The results are seen as payoff of ministries and policy outputs. So the payoff distribution lie at the center of coalition politics. From the point of view, the aim of this paper is to grasp the mechanism that how parties conflict and concert, through the simulation of payoff distribution. In European coalition, ministries are distributed by two conventional norms. The payoff distribution is in proportion to their seats of bargaining power. This bargaining power is measured by Shapley=Shubik value, which is application of game theory. Laver and Schofield pointed out the payoff rules tend to be determined by party system. Turning attention to the case of Japanese coalition governments, Hosokawa, Hata, and Murayama cabinets, I develop three simulations which reconstruct bargaining process. Under four cabinets(including Murayama reshuffle cabinet), "Proportional rule" predicts the actualized payoff better than any other rule. These attempts and results can give new perspective in forming coalition governments.

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In this paper, the author describes the development of French broadcasting laws after the inauguration of broadcasting service, from the viewpoint of the transition from the state monopoly to the liberty of the broadcasting. This paper is made up of two chapters. In chapter I, the author explains the development of broadcasting laws and the theories of regulation on broadcasting from November 1921 (the inauguration of broadcasting) to July 1982. To put it concretely, the following three important elements are included in this period. First, the state monopoly on the ground of the national security is oriented by 1923's law (loi de 30 juin 1923), and then, it is established by 1959's order (ordonnance de 4 fevrier 1959). Second, the intimate relations between the broadcasting service and government, which are symbolized by S.L.I.I.(service de liaison interministerielle pour l'information), arise from the conditions of the state monopoly. Third, several resistances to the monopoly [i.e. peripheral stations(postes peripheriques), the long strike of O.R.T.F. (Office de radiodiffusion television francaise) journalistes, free radio stations(radio libre)] offered by citizens in this period. In chapter II, the author deals with the development of broadcasting laws and the theories of regulation on broadcasting from July 1982 to the present. To be concrete, the following four elements characterize this period. First, by 1982's law (loi de 29 juillet 1982), the liberty of the broadcasting is proclaimed for the first time in this country. Second, the domain of the liberty is expanded by 1986's law( loi de 30 septembre 1986). Third, the liberty is confirmed by Council of the Constitution (Conseil constitutionnel) according to the decisions of July 27, 1982 and September 18, 1986. Fourth, recently, a doctorinal dispute about the construction on the liberty of the broadcasting between two theories-the "receiver's liberty" theory and the "transmitter's liberty" theory-is recognized in this country.

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In August 28, 1871(Meiji 4), the Meiji Government made a proclamation of "Kaihou-rei(law)", and it caused 10 riots against "Kaihou-rei" by 1873(Meiji 6)in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to study how the first riot against "Kaihou-rei", so-called "Ban・tan-ikki(riot)", broke out. The riot came from proclaiming "Kaihou-rei", but if the riot is to be detailed we need to clarify the situation of Ban・tan region. In those days, directly after "Hai・han(clan)-chi・ken(prefecture)", Banshu region was under Himeji-ken, and Tajima region under Ikuno-ken. And regarding the countermovement against "Kaihou-rei", there is a difference between those 2 regions. And the route of the riot, as is called "Ban・tan-ikki", is regarded as a link that connects Banshu region to Tajima. But in those 2 regions, as previously stated, there is a difference in the form of the countermovement. And by examining closely "Dajoh-ruiten(government's documents)", we see that the one linked route which is stated in "Fu・ken-siryo Hyogo-ken(prefecture's documents)" had originally 2 separated routes. In a word, "Ban・tan-ikki" can be separated into 2 riots, "Ikuno・ken-ikki" and "Himeji・ken-ikki", which is proved by materials for the study, "Oh・shoya-nisshi(diary)" and "Fujimoto-tomegaki(diary)" etc.

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The Study on the political circumstances regarding the first general election for the Congressmen held in 1890 in Hyogo prefecture has been neglected except for the third election district which two countries in Tamba region be long to. Expecially, no research on the sixth district has been found in the past. This study focuses on the sixth district which covers three Harima counties: Kato, Kasai, and Taka. In the sixth district, three nominees competed each other for a single seat of Congress assigned for the Hyogo prefecture. Three nominees were; Tajiro Takase from Aikoku-Koto (Patriot Republic party), Kanzaburo Maruoka from Kaishinto (Reconstruction Party), and Shintaro Nishimura from a Neutral Party. The purpose of this study was to shed light on the profiles of three nominees and political parties and analyze the facts of the election activities based on the local newspapers such as Kobe Yushin Nippo (Kobe Daily News) and Kobe Shimbun (Kobe Newspaper) as a principal source. The study showed that the population of the electorate in the sixth district were exclusively high as twice as the nation wide average in terms of the voter's ratio per thousands. The election in the area triggered a fierce competition among the three parties and it was an epitome of the reality of the first election in Hyogo prefecture.

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In the 1920's, the governmental policy for Korea by Makoto Saito, a new governor, under the Hara Cabinet is called the "Budan Seiji"(culture based government) as compared with the former "Bunka Seiji" (military government). It's needless to say the anti-Japanese movement became more and more serious since the San-Ichi movement and this caused the change of policy. The government general adopted the concrete policies, one of which was to take advantages of the pro-Japanese groups in Korea by supporting and protecting them. Though the policy wasn't discussed in public, the authorities knew it was an urgent and important task. It is said that the Japanese government and the government general made the Koreans organize various pro-Japanese groups and gave an indirect aid to them, but those groups were actually controlled by the Japanese behind them. Under the situation, however, on Feb.3 in 1921, the Dokokai was established by Ryohei Uchida, the chief of the Kokuryukai, and it should be noticed that they neither received instructions nor intentions from the government general. As the only independent organization, the Dokokai concentrated new and old foreign uncompromising elements including masterless samurais living in the continent, and started to criticize severely against the government general. Here, in this paper, I refer to the study of the procedure of the establishment of the Dokokai, and the investigation of the actual conditions of the activities by Uchida and his Kokuryukai in the second half of Taisyo era.

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This paper mainly describes grounds, examples, and standards of abuse of the right to set-off. Frequently a debtor couples his admission of a debt with the assertion that he is entitled to set off a claim of his own against the debt. "Set-off", both at law and in equity, is that right which exist between two parties, each of whom under an independent contract owes an ascertained amount to the other, to set off his respective debt by way of mutual deduction, so that in any action brought for the larger debt the residue only, after such deduction, shall be recovered. There are many doubtful points in the history of compensatio (set-off). In the case of a banker(argentarius)and of the purchaser of a bankrupt's estate (bonorum emptor) a different course prevailed: the formula itself was modified. We must not suppose that compensatio (set-off) was originally looked on as a means of extinguishing an obligation. In theory of law, each debt subsisted separately. Set-off's effects were retroactive, and may be said to have commenced from the moment when the two debts first began to exist together. Under justinian the debts were held to operate as mutually extinguishing each other ipso jure. But, the civil code of Japan and the german civil code regulate: The set-off is made by declaration to the other party. The declaration is ineffective, if made subject to any condition or limitation of time. Set-off has three functions: (1)Equity (2)Simplicity (3)Lien and (4) Self-help. The Supreme Court decided that set-off has a function as lien, and is then stretched unlimited. The exercise of right is unlawful if its purpose can only be to cause damage another. Furthermore, no abusing of rights is permissible. Set-off is also a right. So no abusing of the right to set-off is permissible.

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Im Leistungsbegriff im Bereicherungsrecht wimmelt es funktionell von Fehlern. Durch den schlechten Einfluss dieser Fehler kann die herrschende Lehre selber seine Funktion schwierig erfullen. Zwar Daraus gibt es einige Urteile in Japan and Deutschland, die die Richter mit wilkurlicher Interpretation verkundet haben. Solche schwierige Situation im deutschen Bereicherungsrecht ergibt sich aus folgendem Grunde. Namlich ich zeige als Grund, dass es die durch den Abstraktionsgrundsatz gewahrleisteten Verkehrssicherheit und die Einschrankung dafur gleichzeiting in Privatgebiet gibt. Man muss diese zwei Seiten von Privatgebiet trennen, um diesn Problem zu losen. Ich habe uber Richtung nach dieser Losung auf Grund der Joerges-Theorie gedacht. Erst ungerechtfertigte Bereicherung wird mit zwei Lebensgebiet, d.h. Unternehmen (Gewinnerzielung )und Haushalt (konsum) klassifiziert. Und man muss bei Unternehmen mit Bereicherungsrecht als Wirtschaftsrecht und bei Haushalt mit Bereicherungsrecht als Privatrecht ausgleichen. Fur das erstere bedarf es objektiv-rechtliche Wertungsgesichtspunkte. Dann ich betrachte letzteren Bereicherungsrecht als Einschrankung der durch den Abstraktionsgrundsatz gewahrleisteten Verkehrssicherheit. Fur diese Klassifizierung muss man alle geltende Rechte analysieren.

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I have written this article on "Small Claims Court" system in the draft of new Japanese civil procedure law which was published by Ministry of Justice in Japan at the end of 1994. I have introduced and explained the contents of this draft. This system is drafted officially at first in Japan. According to my opinion the foundation of this system is very important especialy in order to realize small justice which has been neglected. But I have some critical opinions against the contents of this draft. I have explained these opinions of mine in this articles especially on the contents of judgement and the way of appeal against the judgement of first instance.

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I sverige har kvinnor och man mojlighet att kombinera foraldraskap med forvarvsarbete. I samband med tillvaxten av kvinnling arbetskraft efter 1960, inforandet av sarbeskattning efter 1970 samt familjestrukturens forandringar har socialpolitikens inriktning pa familj/individ andrats. Denna uppsats behandler forandringen i den sociala politiken. I Bakgrund till forandningen (1) Tillvaxt av kvinnlig arbetskrafts pa 1960-talet (2) Sarbeskattningenseffekterna pa 1970-talet (3) Forandringen av familjenstrukturen pa 1980-talet (4) Andrad lagstiftning 1 Giftemalsbalken 2 Lagen om ratt till ledighet for vard av barn m.m.och Foradraforsakring 3 Jamstalldhetslagen II Jamstalldhet i samhallet (1) Arbetskraften (2) Loneskillnader mellan kvinnor och man (3) Anvandnings av tid (4) Eknomisk sjalvstandighet Avslutning

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In this study, we critically evaluated the Australian immigration policy based on technical functionalism. Special attention was paid to industrial relations and the recent criteria of the Australian government for granting immigration. The ruling Labor Party has been pursuing multiculturalism in its immigration policy, where coexistence of various cultural identities such as language, religion, and habits-"Ascriptions"-are promoted. Whereas, in their actual administration, functionalism-"Achievement"-underlies both the immigration criteria and working conditions. Adopting "Immigration Culture" as a keyword, we examined the current status and problems of Australian immigration policy by evaluating technical functionalism from a cultural perspective.

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