After the implementation of the‘ GIGA School Program’, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology is now aiming to achieve ‘digital transformation’ in education by deploying technology in public schools. Subsequent to digitization and digitalization of teaching, learning, and school business affairs, digital transformation of education enables us to use a range of digital open-data related to public school students' performance through education data platforms in order to improve the public education and put into practice evidence-based （educational）policy making. The purpose of this paper is to draw a sketch of how the organization of educational administration will be transformed by the deployment of such technologies into public schools and local governments' offices of educational administration. Among three key elements of digital transformation:‘ open-source’,‘ open-data’, and‘ cloud service’, this paper focuses on the idea of open-data and cloud service. This is because data-driven decision making in education encouraged by opendata and the standardization of business process set by contracts between cloud service providers and the central government would cause a change in the work of public-school staff and the educational administration office staff. Based on a literature review of research on this topic in other countries and an analysis of relevant domestic policy documents that promote the digital transformation of local governments, this paper argues that a curtailment of the discretion of public schools' staff as street-level bureaucrats/frontline civil servants and their transformation into‘ screenlevel bureaucrats’ are likely to occur in Japan. The article concludes with proposals for a future research agenda on the‘ unintended consequences’ （Fountain, 2005）of the use of ICT（Information and communication technology）in public school administration.

We are facing the extinction of human beings. Modern education theory is based on human existence. So, if humans become extinct, education will also be extinct.

Governmentality, in Michel Foucault's study, is focused on subjectivity. Power works to shape subjects. But Antoinette Rouvroy said that algorithmic governmentality bypasses subjectivity because of its uncertainty. Representation is not reliable because data seems to be real by itself. Representatives do not represent people. Politics will lose its importance. This also applies to education. Nowadays, education is on the verge of this radical change. In this situation, it is no longer children who grow but AI.

Psychoanalysts say that great symbolic power started to decline after the execution of King Louis XVI. Jacques Lacan said that the symbolic makes us a subject by its authority. The law comes from the name of father who castrated us and makes us subjects. Because of this castration, our jouissance changed into plus-de-jouir. This comes from loss or exploitation. But if the symbolic authority does not work, we do not know that we have already been castrated.

These days, we avoid this loss thanks to capitalism with mass consumption. It is as if we do not lose because too many goods are being produced and delivered to us so fast. Digital capitalism or algorithmic governmentality can feed us without us losing ourselves with AI and Big Data.

When we lose loss, we lose conflict in ourselves. We do not understand why we have to take responsibility. When we face a duel, coordination by law is no longer important, because the symbolic authority has gone. The Other becomes a mere enemy.

Having got rid of loss, we will be comfortable instead of having a risk of depression. Depression is related to denial of loss. If we deny that we have already lost, we keep the fantasy that we are supporting the Other despite the fact that it is the Other who supports us. So, depression descends upon us if we cannot understand the fact that we have already lost. It is not a psychological but an ethical problem, because it is related to subjectivity. Christopher Nolan's movie“ Tenet” shows that the subject who denies loss is involved in the confusion of time structure.

Lacan said that love is giving what you do not have. In human relations, we are giving others what we do not have. It is not you but the Other who is giving love. If we could know everything possible about the effect of education, we would not be able to give children what we do not have. That would mean the end of love and the end of education by humans.

At this point, educational administration studies lose their main object, education. These studies misinterpret the contemporary circumstances surrounding humans because they lack a viewpoint of philosophy or sociology. Adopting new perspectives of research would make it possible to tackle issues concerning the human subject and education.

Since the latter half of the 1990s, many countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, have been working on Evidence-Based Policy and Practice（EBP）in a number of fields. The field of education is one of them, and in this field in particular, it has developed with some confrontation. The point of conflict is the question of who should be in charge of educational governance.

The administrative aspects of EBP's educational governance have been criticized. However, the concept of EBP has evolved over the past 30 years from the first generation to the second and third generations, and various forms of EBP educational governance have been explored. This paper discusses how the concept of EBP has evolved based on reflection, and the specifics of educational governance that have been explored in that process.

EBP's approach of emphasizing "what works", as symbolized by the What Works Clearinghouse（WWC）in the United States and the What Works Centres（WWC）in the United Kingdom, is still dominant. It requires policy makers and practitioners to adopt interventions whose effectiveness is supported by evidence from studies that meet the standards of scientific rigor.

However, the limitations of this approach have been pointed out by fact-finding surveys on the use of evidence. The reason is that there is a substantial underlying cultural and structural gap between producers and users of evidence. For EBP governance to work well, this divide needs to be addressed properly.

Approaches like the WWC in the US and UK are called "producer push", and a rational linear process is assumed for research utilization. However, research utilization is inherently a complex and non-linear process, and EBP governance needs to evolve to take this point into consideration. Best and Holmes say that the idea of using evidence has evolved over the last three decades. The second-generation idea, which they call the "relational model," sees the research application process as a complex, non-linear process.

Furthermore, according to Best and Holmes, in order to further improve the process of utilizing evidence, a “system model” is being explored as a third-generation idea these days. The approach emphasizes the function of brokering.

However, there are few cases where such an approach is actually implemented. The initiative in Ontario, Canada is one of them.

In 2010, the Ontario Department of Education created the Knowledge Network for Applied Education Research（KNAER）to advance EBP. KNAER's efforts have incorporated a relationship model and system model into themselves in the process of growing from Phase I to Phase II. Phase II realized a multi-year network and community of practice. Within that network, the KNAER Secretariat and the Ministry of Education have taken on higher brokering functions to develop and support the overall infrastructure. In order to make deep evidence-based decisions, it is necessary not only to connect the research community and the practice community, but also to develop an infrastructure to support it.

The purpose of this research is to clarify what is a valuable educational opportunity through the capability approach. Educational opportunities have been provided according to the interpretation of those who provide education. As a result, the provision of educational opportunities has not been effective for learners.

In this paper, online schools（“A schools”）are considered to be “individualized education”. “A Schools” are increasing the number of students by incorporating the “utility” of learners. However, there are problems with online education. For example, one problem is that it is difficult to provide lessons that suit the interests and concerns of the students. Online education continues without solving this problem. Online education has political and economic implications.

Amartya Sen's capability approach is useful for considering the provision of valuable educational opportunities. Sen says that in order to ascertain the value of something, it must be evaluated by those who use it. Whether or not a school is valuable as a good depends on the evaluation of those who use it. Sen considers the information about “utility” to be a person's evaluation. Without the evaluation of users, schools remain in the category of goods. Valuable educational opportunities for learners require learners' evaluation of goods.

A valuable educational opportunity for learners is the achievement of functions and capabilities. A function is a concept that expresses a state in which something can be done. A capability is a concept expressed as a collection of functions whereas capability is a concept that expands life choices in the sense of achieving functions based on utility. Capability achievement includes the learner's utility, and utility is based on learner evaluation. For this reason, capabilities include learner assessment.

Yoshikazu Kenjo's lectures show how learners' can acheive their functions and capabilities. In Kenjo's lectures, “Nihongo” is taught based on the “needs” of the learners. His lectures transform the learner into a new subject. To provide valuable educational opportunities, something is needed that transforms goods into functions and capabilities. The term for this is the teacher.

In this study, based on Kenjo's practice, it was clarified that the teacher is a transformation term. In order to provide valuable educational opportunities, teachers need to become transformative.

The guarantee of educational opportunities can be defined as follows. Education that aims to achieve the function of acquiring knowledge that is not related to the learner's “needs” is a “formal guarantee of educational opportunities.” Achieving the function to acquire knowledge related to the learner's“ needs” and education that expands the learner's capabilities are “guarantees of valuable educational opportunities.”

Educational administration needs to support teachers to become transformants that transform goods. Educational administration needs to clarify what constitutes a valuable educational condition for learners. This research clarified that teachers who convert goods into functions and capabilities create valuable educational opportunities for learners.

In Japan, the decline in the number of high school students after 1989, when it peaked, has been offset primarily by reducing the capacity of public high schools based on cooperation between the public and private sectors. In addition, with the recent expansion and abolition of public high school attendance zones and the equalization of student recruitment conditions between public and private schools and courses due to the introduction of free tuition, the survival of small schools in mountainous regions and remote islands, which are at a disadvantage in terms of commuting and student recruitment, is being questioned without respite. The continued existence or abolition of small high schools must be given renewed attention as an issue of equal opportunity in high school education. In addition, as the presence of private correspondence schools that can guarantee opportunities beyond prefectural borders is increasing due to their non-physical attendance and unlimited enrollment, the guarantee of opportunities for high school education based on physical attendance, such as full-time or part-time courses, which has been largely handled by prefectural education administrations, is being relativized.

In the case of prefectural high schools, they were not established by the municipalities in which they are located, and thus the municipalities cannot be directly involved in the educational activities or school management of prefectural high schools. It is the prefectural board of education which determines whether the schools continue to exist or not. Therefore, when municipalities and local residents demand the continuation of prefectural high schools, the restrictions of the establisher management principle are likely to become apparent. Both Kake High School and Nitsushokan High School examined in this paper demonstrate the importance of the leadership and expertise of the high school and the prefectural board of education, in enhancing educational content and activities. On the other hand, in light of the discussion of the two schools, the policy and response of the Hiroshima Prefectural Board of Education regarding the significance and position of prefectural high schools is also of great importance. In other words, the Hiroshima Prefectural Board of Education's policy of carefully considering the survival of small schools in mountainous areas has made it possible for both Kake and Nitsushokan to continue to exist and revitalize their schools. However, the policy also calls for proactive efforts by local residents and high schools. Financial support is needed for these efforts by small schools and the local governments （municipalities and prefectures）. In order to better ensure financial support for the survival and revitalization of small schools, the national government needs to actively provide financial support to municipalities and prefectures.

In regions where due to the declining birthrate and market mechanisms it is no longer possible to guarantee substantial high school educational opportunities, it is necessary to provide local financial support and cooperation based on the government's financial support, as well as facilitating exchanges and collaborative learning opportunities with other schools, other regions, and other countries through the use of ICT, which will enable students to learn and grow in their own region. The establishment of a new image of a high school that allows students to both learn and grow in the local community and learn in an open, wider world is an urgent issue.

There was a policy conflict between the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health and Welfare over the issue of inappropriate use of educational assistance and the diversion of educational expenses to living expenses among households receiving educational assistance. This policy conflict can be attributed to the following two differences in the two ministries' positions.

First, the Ministry of Education prioritized guaranteeing the right to education, while the Ministry of Health and Welfare prioritized guaranteeing the right to life. The prevailing theory at the time was that the right to education stipulated in Article 26 of the Japanese Constitution guaranteed the cultural aspect of the right to life under Article 25. Consequently, the right to life and the right to education should be interpreted in a unified manner. However, due to the constraints of state finances, it was considered practically impossible to adequately guarantee both rights. Therefore, the Ministry of Education narrowly interpreted the right to life, while the Ministry of Health and Welfare narrowly interpreted the right to education, and neither of them grasped the two rights in a unified manner.

Second, the two ministries differed in their methods of guaranteeing rights. The Ministry of Health and Welfare placed emphasis on guaranteeing the livelihood of the entire household through providing benefit in money, and the certification and provision of welfare benefits were to be based on objective criteria. In contrast, the Ministry of Education sought to prevent the diversion of educational expenses to living expenses by providing benefits in kind to the children themselves. In other words, it envisaged that schools, which knew the actual situation of the children, would provide benefit in kind for what was lacking for each individual child.

Thus, the two ministries were working in different ways to guarantee the rights that each regarded as important. It is believed that the two ministries did not grasp the rights to education and welfare in a unified manner, since the passage and expansion of the welfare system and the Compulsory Education Schooling Encouragement Law concept had a trade-off relationship due to the constraints of state finances.

The purpose of this paper is to reveal what kind of intentions local governments and local councils can show and how they can exercise their authority with respect to restricting the expansion of correspondence high schools, such as increasing the number of schools, increasing the number of students, and expanding the student recruitment area.

For this purpose, this paper analyzed the minutes and documents of the councils of private schools, the minutes of the prefectural assemblies, and the minutes of the city assemblies. I reviewed the expansion process of the 24 private correspondence high schools（12 in Nagano, 9 in Ibaraki, and 3 in Okinawa prefecture）established in and after 2000. These three prefectures are where such high schools have been expanding remarkably.

The findings of this paper are as follows:

First, the school capacity and the student recruitment area could be expanded as much as possible if the capacity was expected to be filled or if satellite facilities could be established.

Second, the prefectural government mainly expected the expansion of private correspondence high schools to create diverse educational opportunities, collaborate with private educational institutions, and attract more students to the prefecture through in-person classes. On the other hand, they expressed concerns about competition among correspondence high schools, reliability of school organizations, and student recruitment by correspondence high schools established in other prefectures. However, the councils of private schools, which are the approving agencies, were able to approve the application if it met the criteria, even if there were doubts about the application.

Third, the municipalities expected similar things to those of the prefectures from the expansion of private correspondence high schools: creation of educational opportunities, contribution to educational activities in the city, enhancing the appeal of the city to students outside the prefecture, and economic benefits gained from students' visits to the city. However, when the provision of closed school buildings and other facilities was involved, the municipalities could discourage the establishment of schools by not providing closed school buildings and other facilities if they had concerns about the school corporation or its establishment plan.

These results imply that the prefectural government's private schoolrelated departments and private school councils, which are supposed to supervise private schools, may express concern about the expansion of private correspondence high schools, but it is hard for them to restrict the expansion, and that municipalities, general administrative departments other than private school-related departments, and councils, which have no authority to supervise private schools, can virtually restrict the establishment of private schools.

Finally, this paper raises the following issues: How should the establishment/expansion of private correspondence high schools be regulated, and what agencies and organizations should be involved with the approving process.

This paper examines the process and characteristics of the establishment of British sports administration after World War Ⅱ, with a particular focus on the institutional characteristics of fiscal mechanism by focusing on the SC which was created in 1972.

The analysis is based on the relevant official policy documents, materials and magazines issued by voluntary sports organizations as well as the memoir of H. Justin Evans, who was General Secretary of Central Council of Physical Recreation from 1944 to 1968 and was also a member of Wolfenden Committee.

Based on the above documents and analysis, the following findings were drawn.

Firstly, a driving factor in the process of establishing the sports administration and fiscal institution in Britain after World War Ⅱ was the welfare state philosophy of ‘support but no intervention’. This philosophy was consciously pursued by sports organizations and those involved in sports originally since the period just after World War Ⅱ. After being positioned as the fundamental principle of the proposal ‘Sports Development Council’ which was outlined in the Wolfenden Report with the decentralized fiscal reform in the mid-1950s, it ultimately materialized by establishing an institutional organization which was called SC. It should be mentioned that this process was closely related to the independence and autonomy of sports and its organizations as well as the initiative of local governments.

Secondly, the Sports Council, whose institutional philosophy is ‘support but no intervention’, was launched as a Quasi Non-government Organization that regulated the government control and intervention generally through public spending. In other words, SC which had the authority to grant sports subsidies and was the major policy maker of sports promotion for the public, was established as an organization that firmly guarantees its organizational independence from the government while receiving financial support from the government.

The above contents show that SC can be regarded as a kind of sports administration and finance organization under the welfare state. It also shows that sport was established as one of the social policy areas to be guaranteed by the state in the 1960s and 1970s with the expansion of the welfare state in Britain.

This paper examines the issue of the "necessary number of teachers" specified in the " Act on Standards for Class Formation and Fixed Number of School Personnel of Public Compulsory Education Schools"（ referred to as the "Compulsory Standard Act" in this paper） by analyzing surveys of teachers' working conditions conducted by the Ministry of Education in the 1950s and a study of the standard fixed number of teachers using the results of those surveys.

The Compulsory Standard Act determines the standard fixed number of teachers for public compulsory education schools in Japan. According to the commentary on the law at the time of its enactment, the basic mechanism for calculating the fixed number of teachers was to divide the " Total class hours based on the number of classes" by the "number of class hours per week per teacher" to calculate the number of teachers required for each school size. The "number of class hours per teacher per week" （referred to as the "standard number of instructional hours" in this paper） was set at 4 hours per day（24 hours per week）, but the background and circumstances leading to this setting are not clear from the legal commentary. This paper, therefore, examines the design process of the standard number of instructional hours in line with the enactment process of the law.

In establishing the standard number of instructional hours, the Ministry of Education conducted a study using surveys on the actual conditions of teachers' work. In 1952, for the first time in the postwar period, the Ministry of Education conducted a nationwide survey on teachers' work, in response to the actions of some local governments and teachers. Subsequent surveys were also conducted as a nationwide basic data source to clarify the actual conditions of teachers' work. In the study, based on the overall overload of teaching work and the variety of its content as indicated by these surveys, directions were chosen to indicate the "number of instructional hours per teacher per week" that would enable teachers to take on the various complex duties with an appropriate workload. The standard number of instructional hours, four hours per day of direct instruction, was based on the results of the survey and was set so that the overall workload can be handled in a way that reduces the actual burden on the teacher.

From the above, it can be said that the Compulsory Standard Act aimed to determine the "necessary number of teachers" from the perspective of optimizing the workload of teachers based on the overall workload of teachers by using the standard number of instructional hours. In other words, it was a standard for the improvement of educational conditions aimed at the realization of "educational necessity" from the viewpoint of "necessity in the educational field". Therefore, in operating the standard number of instructional hours, the relationship between the actual working conditions of teachers and the standard number of instructional hours must always be open to reexamination, so that the actual working conditions of teachers and the workload assumed by the standard number of instructional hours do not diverge.

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the process of establishing “girls' high schools” under the postwar coeducation system. In this paper, the term “girls' high school” refers to high schools in which practically only girls are admitted and enrolled despite the fact that they are coeducational under the law and is distinguished from girls' high schools that explicitly limit admission to girls only. As a case study, we selected Daiichi High School in Kumamoto Prefecture, which became coeducational during the postwar educational reform period. The results of this paper are as follows.

First, it shows the process by which “girls' high schools” were brought about under the coeducation system in the postwar period as a result of the accumulation of responses to the democratization of education by the schools, their officials, and the educational administrative authorities who took their movements into consideration. Through this work, we have visualized the hidden continuity between the officially coeducational“ girls' high schools” and the prewar single-sex education system. Administrative authorities and schools understood coeducation as the“ upgrading of girls' education” （“making it more like boys’ education”）, and in this context, the case study schools aimed to be on par with neighboring high schools that had their prehistory in the old junior high school system. In other words, coeducation was positioned as an extension of the prewar educational institution for girls. In addition, the significance of coeducation discussed there also included a theory of gender characteristics.

In addition, conventional studies on coeducation have not been able to go beyond the framework of viewing the subject matter as a women's education issue. Therefore, in this study, we conducted an analysis focusing on the presence of male students and clarified that the understanding was that in the school under study, which had a history of being a girls’ educational institution, it was inappropriate for male students to be enrolled. Furthermore, this understanding was an aspect which regulated the behavior of school-age male students regarding continuing to higher education. We pointed out that this was a form of informal“ exclusion from entry” for boys. Thus, the second finding in this paper is that it shows the institutional issues of “girls' high schools” by focusing on the impact on male students.

This paper also identified the necessity and possibility of connecting the subject of “girls' high schools” with the study of masculinity. This is an issue for future research.

The importance of associations of universities for university autonomy has been pointed out in university reform research, but previous research is insufficient. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the relationship between each university and associations of universities in the Japanese private university sector through an investigation into the relationship between the formulation and implementation of governance code for private universities and the discretion of such universities. I analyzed the codes of Association of Private Universities of Japan（APUJ）and The Japan Association of Private Universities and colleges（JAPUC）and examined the autonomy of each university in the formulation of the code in the association and the enactment in each university. In this analysis, the autonomy distinguishes independency from sociality based on Kaneko （1995）. The analysis is based on the materials of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the associations, and each university and an interview survey of staff members of APUJ.

Each association adopts different systems, but they enable their universities to maintain their autonomy. APUJ, which has a diverse membership of universities, formulated a "model-style" code in which each university could formulate its own governance code. Each university deletes or adds to the content as it sees fit, and reporting on compliance is left to the autonomy of each university. In contrast, JAPUC, whose member universities have similar characteristics, developed a “checkliststyle” code that adopted Comply or Explain which was envisaged in the policy-making process. Although there are more formal restrictions on the operation of each university, which is required to report to JAPUC based on a uniform report form, a certain amount of discretion is secured by adding an explanation.

In the governance code for private universities, independency means to reflect the intention of each university in its establishment and inspections. On the other hand, sociability means to explain the appropriateness of each university's governance to society. From the analysis in this study, it can be said that both the associations were to work with the autonomy and sociability of the member universities in different ways.

Through this discussion, I propose that in the formulation and implementation of the private university version of the governance code, there exists autonomy of the associations of universities interacting with the autonomy of the individual universities. In other words, associations of universities, while working to respect the independency of individual universities, support the efforts of individual universities to improve their governance based on independency and sociality by ensuring sociality through the formulation of governance codes. In this way, the “public nature and public interest” that was the objective of the policy-making process can be realized. Given this relationship between associations and individual universities, an association of universities with autonomy to interact with individual universities would be positioned as an autonomous buffer body.