This essay tries to consider the relationship of market rule and life strategy, which the part-time farmers and rural people are facing with and tackling with in the present Japan, by referring to cases of East Asian countries broadly. This work is one phase of my efforts to synthesize my past academic works, mainly published as monographs of fieldwork experiences in Thailand, Japan and others. In doing this synthesizing work, I also try to check some discussions on such classic concept of ‘peasant differentiation’ （on the theoretical level） and ‘reformist subject’ （on the practical level）, and try to refine them to fit the present rural situation. In the present rural dynamism of diversity, those who would succeed the classical ‘reformist subjects’, as the result of ‘peasant differentiation’ process, might be the active persons and groups, who try to react to and negotiate with the state and market independently, and who try to share the interest and benefit fairly and equally among members. These kinds of active practice models can be shown among some cases of academic works, insisting the sustainability of resilient peasantry and community, who are actively tackling with such community development projects as rural eco-cultural tourism and communal base small farming. The rural studies researcher should pay attention to these models of actors, and should try to think over the structural relation between the objective ‘rural diversity’ processes and the practical movements and policies by these actors in the present Asian rural society including Japan. This kind of ‘practical level’ framework should be another task of rural studies.

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　　　This paper reexamines “Kakae” s of the village Kaminaguri in the last seven decades of the Tokugawa Shogunate. In general, “Kakae” s have been considered as independent peasants who are obliged to provide labor service to landowner under the feudal system accompanied by low agricultural productivity.
　　　According to Shuhmon-Aratamecho （a kind of population register） of the village 1804-1870, “Kakae” can be categorized into 3 groups; individual “Kakae” s in “Kakae” -households, individual “Kakae” s in non- “Kakae” -households, individual non- “Kakae” s in “Kakae” -households. The first group shows highest mobility. They are treated like servants. Most of them are Sake-brewers that is temporal from labors the region of today's Niigata. The second group shows lower mobility. They need not or can not stay long time in non- “Kakae” households and they are supposed to be relatives of house heads. Most of them are single, marry very seldom and works in other households sometimes. The third type, shows lowest mobility and marries often.
　　　Considering individual “Kakae” s, they are not always on “Kakae” -status through life. “Kakae” s, e.g. an illegitimate child, a man living in the household which had adopted his son as heir etc., change their status according to circumstances. So “Kakae” s are not stable status or system, but marginality between “insider” and “outsider” of the community.

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　　　In this paper, we will attempt to clarify the actual conditions of activities undertaken by resident organizations such as a Swedish cooperatives（förening）and community（byalag）and of public support as EU structural funds.
　　　We will present examples from two Swedish communities. The Trångsviken district has several well-known, prospering enterprises. Initially, resident activity here began in a new style of cooperative movement when they decided to build a Community Center, which has become the core of the community. Later, this movement developed into a joint stock company. At Huså in the Kall district, there were many new style cooperatives and at one time there were many activities in progress. However, the two main cooperatives reached a financial deadlock, following which resident activity was brought to a standstill. The neighborhood association tried to revitalize itself by participation in the EU projects.
　　　Traditionally in Sweden, there have been many village revitalization activities by independent organizations such as cooperatives, and the way in which the residents cooperate with the commune through these organizations is the key to revitalization. Cooperatives are an important example of Swedish-type resident participation as a basic organization. However, it is necessary flexibly to create organizations that meet the relevant objectives and to gather experts from a diverse range of fields.

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30頁 図1について訂正があります。33頁左段最下行に訂正箇所があります。

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刊行後、著者の高橋明善会員より、“「自然村」概念について”の補足をいただきました。

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