The idea of the theory of Community Co-management was originally based on research of the fishing and pearl culturing villages of Shima district in Mie Prefecture during the 1960s. At that time, the landed quantity of cultured pearls in the district increased rapidly because of growth in number of culture establishments and an increase in density of their culturing oyster shells. However, the increase of pearl production in a limited marine area resulted in the rapid deterioration of both quality and price of cultured pearls. At around the same time, sightseeing facilities attracted attention in the district, and environmental burdens imposed by them have become heavy. Then, to realize compatible and sustainable relations with each other for the efficient use of local resources, the establishment of a new community organization composed of fishermen, pearl culture establishments, sightseeing facilities, and inhabitants as comsumers of marine products became indispensable. The management of local resources, by all interested parties, became the core function of the community. For this reason, a community can be seen as an organization for the co-management of living conditions.
　　　Modern society has increased its collective consumption, and has grown in community co-management of its living conditions. This means that a community can be seen from the view point of managerial functions. There can be an understanding of the common features and structures of rural and urban communities as well as of neighborhood communities and municipal authorities despite ecological and legislative differences. At present, the development of the decentralization of administrative systems in our country permits the official establishment of a kind of teritorrial autonomous body within a local autonomy. The concept of community co-management has become increasingly realistic.

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　　　This paper illustrates that the modern agriculture in French Jura has developed through the “Jurassian model”, run by family- and community-based farms without intensification. A case study of the village F is presented and how family-based farms adopt this model and how the model becomes a social consensus is examined.
　　　Milk production in Jura is strongly conditioned by nuclear family (as unit of production), kinship relations (for land transaction), and cooperation with community members. The analysis of village conflicts and family conversations on farm management shows that these conditions influence people’s decision making processes over farming, and that people constantly affirm their family and economic values through such processes. The Jurassian farming model becomes established through farmers’ relationships and daily discussions with neighbors and kinsmen who share the farming experience and values. Family ties significantly contribute to the increased economic efficiency of the farm, and it consequently leads farmers to adopt the model. The paper concludes that the particular local conditions of Jura region lead its villagers to accept the Jurassian model-based farming as a social consensus due to its economic efficiency.

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　　　This paper reexamined a traditional household ranking system (kakaku) in rural Japan that social scientists have not clearly identified as an independent index from other household stratification structures. By using mainly canonical correlation analysis, this paper also investigated how such a household ranking influenced the actual social order in a small fishing village from 1910 to 1989. Explanatory variables for each household included: kakaku, land ownership, and income. Criterion variables included: appointments to managerial posts of the neighborhood association, the fishery cooperative, and shrine and temple parishioner associations.
　　　In this village, the established order of household ranking was represented in the arrangement of household mortuary tablets (ihai) in the village temple. Such a traditional household ranking system has strongly influenced the village’s social order, especially in the two religious associations and the neighborhood association; however, its effect on the power structure of the fishery cooperative has remained to be weak.

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　　　Agricultural newcomers face various difficulties when settling in rural communities. Previous researches pointed out that trust, which is built mainly by guardian, plays an important role in the farmland gaining process. Also, these researches tend to regard the hamlet as a negative factor for settling. However, we have to consider the reason that a hamlet has a character of barrier. In this paper, we focus on hamlet, and examine the relevance between hamlet and farmland gaining process, and investigate the character of trust.
　　　The newcomer (Family S) came to Fujii in 2000, but could not gain farmland, although there was much rentable farmland. The reason is that people rent their farmland after getting a better understanding of his/her personality. S tried to gain an intimate access to people in the hamlet. In this entering process, groups and organizations in the hamlet as well as the guardian played important roles. The guardian introduced S to groups, and interactions within these groups made S adapt to folkways of the hamlet. This interaction enabled S to gain new farmland.
　　　We could see the importance of the hamlet at this point that the interaction in groups of hamlet plays an important role in farmland gaining. The hamlet works as a resource, and there is the logic of small organization of management, which wants to prevent population outflow and to maintain each farm’ s producing and livelihood.
　　　When we consider along with this logic, we are able to make the following observations regarding the nature of trust: it will be gained gradually by entering the hamlet, and it requires not only the recognition of personality, but also the strong probability of contribution to the small farm and the hamlet, which are the life security organization, in other words, the probability of permanent living in the hamlet.

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　　　This report examines how the personal networks of women of advanced age have changed as they have become involved in local community business activities. Kita-hamlet in Miyama village is well known for the scenery with Kayabuki roofs, and the residents are involved in many business activities which have been organized to revitalize the community. These activities increased the role of senior women in the workforce.
　　　However, the research did not show the clear change in their personal networks. That is partly because the method of the network analysis that was used is limited to analyzing only people with close relationships. The research also shows that it was not necessary for some women to form new networks, as the network that had already existed in the community was mobilized for their new activities.

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